YouTube Uploader Ceasar Nimor: I learned this dance a long time ago (I was much younger at that time) from a group of Arumanen Manobo girls from Midsayap in Cotabato visiting a Cultural Gathering in Davao City...Last November 2008, the same dance was taught at an Indigenous Dance Workshop....These students doing a dress rehearsal of the dance are from the College of Education at the Southwestern University
Thursday, July 16, 2015
The Talahari Indigenous Band with their Manobo Music
YouTube Uploader Louie Lapat. The Manobo-inspired Music of the Talahari Indigenous Band from the Province of Bukidnon
YouTube Uploader MrMateuszph: The indigenous music and dance of Talahari Tribe of Bukidnon, Philippines showcased during the 15th Regional Chemistry Congress (Regions X, XI, XII and Caraga) opening held at Farmer's Town Training Center, Central Mindanao University at Musuan, Maramag, Philippines
Friday, July 10, 2015
Dasal at Kagubatan
Noong unang panahon malaki ang paggalang ng ating mga Ninuno sa kalikasan. Sila ay naniniwala na ang mga puno at iba pang bahagi ng kalikasan ay tahanan ng mga dakiling Diwata Kaya ganoon na lamang ang kanilang pag-iingat upang ito ay hindi maabuso.Madugong pilit na sinakop ng mga dayuhan ang buong kapuluan ng mga Malayang Kayumanggi (Filipino) at marahas na ipinalaganap ang dayuhang paniniwala na iisa lamang ang Diyos at ang ano mang "diyos-diyosan" gaya umano ng mga Diwata ay gawaing makasalanan at hindi makatotohanan .
Pinuno nila ng takot ang ating mga Ninuno sang ayon sa kanilang dayuhang paniniwala. Ang bawat tao na sumasamo o sumasampalataya sa mga Diwata ay mapaparusahan at masusunog umano sa nag-aalab na apoy sa kabilang buhay. Sa paglaon ng panahon unti-unti tayong nasakop hindi lamang ang ating lupain kundi maging ang ating sariling pamamaraan ng pananampalataya .Sa panahon ngayon ay pawang katuwaan na lamang ang mga Diwata na kadalasa'y matatagpuan na lamang sa mga kwentong pambata at katatakutan. Marahil ang karamihan sa atin ay hindi namamalayan na ito ang nagging ugat ng pagkasira ng ating mayabong na kagubatan sapagkat Kasabay ng paglaho sa paniniwalang may Diwata tuluyan naring nag laho ang paggalang sa kalikasan .
Dungan (Gimukod, Kalag)
 |
| Drawings, and or illustrations are Properties of Batara Gat Baya. |
Upang maging matagumpay ang panggagamot kinakailangan na pabalikin ang mga ligaw na Dungan sa katawan ng may sakit.Paulit-ulit na sasambitin ng isang Diwataan o Manggagamot ang pangalan ng may sakit upang bumalik ito sa kanyang katawan. Sa ilang pangkat etniko gaya sa bulubunduking bahagi ng Luzon ang ritwal ng pagpapabalik ng isang dungan ay tinatawag na "Pad-pad at Paypay", Sa Katagalugan ay "Pabalik Diwa" sa Kabisayaan at ilang bahagi ng Mindanao naman ay "Batak Dungan", "Palumay sa kalag" atbp.. Sa proseso naman ng ating pagkabuhay magsisimulang mabuo ang ating pangunahing Dungan sa panahon kung saan ang ating ilong ay ganap ng buo sa sinapupunan ng ating magulang. Sa oras na tayo ay maging isang sanggol, inihahanda ang unang "Pabalik Diwa" o "Batak Dungan" , Susundan ito sa oras na maging ganap na ang pagkabata, binata/dalaga . Ang ritwal sa Dungan ay isinasagawa din sa bawat mahalagang pagbabago sa buhay ng isang tao gaya na lamang ng bago ikasal, pagka Datu,pagka Babaylan at maging bago makipag digma. Ginagawa ito upang maging buo ang iyong ispiritwal na kalooban at panlabas na sarili sa pagharap sa bagong yugto ng buhay .
Wednesday, July 8, 2015
Ay Ding | Manobo Songs
Ay Ding, a "lullaby for the dead," is sung only during a wake and when a baylan is present, for it attracts the evil sprits who come looking for a corpse to eat. If there is no baylan to keep the evil spirits away, and there is no dead person for the spirits to pray upon, they, attracted by the song, will not leave until they have caused someones death. The song as it was recorded by Abraham (Pfeiffer 1965) takes 1 min 42 sec to sing. Unlike other ritual songs, which are strictly chanted, Ay Ding ding has a more melodic and regular beat, giving it a songlike character. "Dingding" is an untranslatable word used to evoke pathos in a refrain.
This ritual song is also a narrative. The hunting dogs mentioned in this song are named Pulangi and Mulita, which are also the names of two main rivers in the Midsayap area. Mt Makaranding, a few kilometers away from Libungan, Cotabato, is believed tobe the giant pig referred to in this song.
The man said, "Woman, preparethe betel chew, for we shall wed ourselves."
This ritual song is also a narrative. The hunting dogs mentioned in this song are named Pulangi and Mulita, which are also the names of two main rivers in the Midsayap area. Mt Makaranding, a few kilometers away from Libungan, Cotabato, is believed tobe the giant pig referred to in this song.
Ay Dingding
Nakahi rin sa kanakan ta bai pangapug
Ka pa sugawingki't ginawa ta
Si Dingding ay Dingding
Na kahi rin an sa raha ta sakali abpangapug
kabpakaka-an
Apa tabilaw-bilawn atay
Si Dingding ay Dingding
Na ara das narinag nu na way ka ba
madpandidsul dut asunu
Si Pulangi na andu-an si Mulita
Si Dingding Dingding
Na wa ka ra makantantal
Nabpaminag kan kanakan nag gabu-an si Mulita
Si Dingding Dingding
Na way nu ba pilakaan na kay ka mapahangku
Dut saringsinga't susu nu
Si Dingding Dingding
Namidwalang das kanakan na
Midbagkas din akpali din na mibaba
rin an kas babuy ka
Babuy na makaranding
Si Dingding Dingding
Na way ka ba maduli-an
Na nak-uma ra dut taliwara dut lama
Na indadsang nu an ka babuy
na takin migkahi kaan
Ta bay pangapug ka an su ini ra buan
Andaw nkabpakakita ta
Si Dingding Dingding
Naara das narinag din na way amba mabpangapug
Na wa ka pa makapus na kahian sa kanakan
Ta bay tuliri ki pa dut taliwara dut saag
Si Dingding Dingding
Na way ka ba madtutulid
Na midiraha an sa kanakan na wa ka
Ma matao-tao
Ta barusigsig na langasa
Na nabitaw-an ka napas din
Si Dingding.
The man said, "Woman, preparethe betel chew, for we shall wed ourselves."
Dingding ay Dingding.
Answered the woman,"I will not the betel chew prepare
Until I can eat fresh pork liver." Dingding ay Dingding.
Upon hearing her demand he called his dogs,
Pulangi and also Mulita.
Dingding Dingding.
Not yet having travelled a great distance,
The young man heard the barking of his dog Mulita.
Dingding Dingding.
He gave chase and saw his prey
On top of Mt Agkir-Agkir.
Dingding Dingding.
There he speared it but he was also struck And wounded in his breast.
Dingding Dingding.
This then he did:
He bound up his wound and carried the pig,
The pig that was gigantic.Dingding Dingding.
Then he returned home; And when he arrived in the middle of the girl's yard,
He dropped the pig, then said he, "Woman, prepare the betel nut to chew
For today may be our last to see each other."
Dingding Dingding.
Hearing his request, she began to prepare the betel chew
But before it was ready she heard the young man say,
"Woman, spread a mat in the middle of the floor."
Dingding Dingding.
And so she spread the mat; And the woman and young man
Lay down, But she could not staunch the flowing blood,
So the breath departed from him. Dingding.
Answered the woman,"I will not the betel chew prepare
Until I can eat fresh pork liver." Dingding ay Dingding.
Upon hearing her demand he called his dogs,
Pulangi and also Mulita.
Dingding Dingding.
Not yet having travelled a great distance,
The young man heard the barking of his dog Mulita.
Dingding Dingding.
He gave chase and saw his prey
On top of Mt Agkir-Agkir.
Dingding Dingding.
There he speared it but he was also struck And wounded in his breast.
Dingding Dingding.
This then he did:
He bound up his wound and carried the pig,
The pig that was gigantic.Dingding Dingding.
Then he returned home; And when he arrived in the middle of the girl's yard,
He dropped the pig, then said he, "Woman, prepare the betel nut to chew
For today may be our last to see each other."
Dingding Dingding.
Hearing his request, she began to prepare the betel chew
But before it was ready she heard the young man say,
"Woman, spread a mat in the middle of the floor."
Dingding Dingding.
And so she spread the mat; And the woman and young man
Lay down, But she could not staunch the flowing blood,
So the breath departed from him. Dingding.
Manobo Traditions During Deaths
When death occurs, lapuy, death messengers, are sent to inform relatives and friends. The body is washed, dressed in best clothes of the deceased, laid on mat at the exact center of the floor directly underneath the peak of the rooftop, and completely covered with a blanket. Objects, such as a bolo sword that the dead must take with it on its journey to the afterlife, are placed near the body. A clothesline is strung parallel to the body, and the clothes of the family or the dead person's personal possessions are hung there. There is much wailing and shouting, and the agung (gong) is constantly beaten to announce the death to everyone within the hearing distance. The number of beats indicates the dead person's age, status and social position.
After the grave has been dug, someone stands guard by the pit to keep the busaw away. Burial rites begin in the house with the "cutting the strand" ritual: an elder blackens half of a strand of manila hemp. This blackened end is held by the family while the white end is tied to the corpse. The strand is cut to signify the cutting of ties of affection between the family and the dead.
A man is buried facing the east so that the sunrise will signal to him that it is time to work. A woman is buried facing the west so that the sunset will remind her that it is time to cook. As the dirt is thrown back into the pit, all turn their backs to avoid temptation of accompanying the dead person. The grave marker is a low wooden frame. Tree cuttings are stuck around the grave.
After the burial, the mourners go to an unfrequented part to wash themselves and the tools used to dig the grave. When they return to the house, they spit on a burning woo or a fire by the doorway. Everyone takes a small bite from the small meal that has been placed on the mat where the corpse had lain in state. The last person coming in takes the glowing piece of wood and the meal out of the house and throws it in the direction of the grave. Everyone, including the soul of the dead, is invited to eat. A mourning period of 8 to 12 days is set, depending on the stature of the dead person. A baby is mourned only for one day; a datu, seven days. There is singing and dancing but no instrumental music is allowed.
In Salangsang, Cotabato, the mourning period may last 1 to 10 years, during which time the coffin stays at one side of the room. The coffin is made of a hollowed-out tree trunk, which is split lengthwise and it's edges sealed with a mixture of wood ashes, sweet potato leaves, and lime to contain the odor. The coffin is then half buried about 10 m away from the house, so that the sogoy or gimukod can wander in and out of the body.
The betuung feast is held within a year after the burial; some hold it on the third day. The gimukod is entitled to attend and it is persuaded to journey on to the afterworld without taking anyone with it. Early in the morning, a meal is placed at the threshold and ashes are sprinkled at the foot of the ladder. Everyone in the house stays still so as not to frighten the soul away. If the ashes bear footprints, this means that the gimukod has come.
For a widow or widower of marriageable age, the betuung feast is an occasion for the parents and parents-in-law, together with the datu/bai, to discuss the prospect of a new spouse for the new widow/widower.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
After the grave has been dug, someone stands guard by the pit to keep the busaw away. Burial rites begin in the house with the "cutting the strand" ritual: an elder blackens half of a strand of manila hemp. This blackened end is held by the family while the white end is tied to the corpse. The strand is cut to signify the cutting of ties of affection between the family and the dead.
A man is buried facing the east so that the sunrise will signal to him that it is time to work. A woman is buried facing the west so that the sunset will remind her that it is time to cook. As the dirt is thrown back into the pit, all turn their backs to avoid temptation of accompanying the dead person. The grave marker is a low wooden frame. Tree cuttings are stuck around the grave.
After the burial, the mourners go to an unfrequented part to wash themselves and the tools used to dig the grave. When they return to the house, they spit on a burning woo or a fire by the doorway. Everyone takes a small bite from the small meal that has been placed on the mat where the corpse had lain in state. The last person coming in takes the glowing piece of wood and the meal out of the house and throws it in the direction of the grave. Everyone, including the soul of the dead, is invited to eat. A mourning period of 8 to 12 days is set, depending on the stature of the dead person. A baby is mourned only for one day; a datu, seven days. There is singing and dancing but no instrumental music is allowed.
In Salangsang, Cotabato, the mourning period may last 1 to 10 years, during which time the coffin stays at one side of the room. The coffin is made of a hollowed-out tree trunk, which is split lengthwise and it's edges sealed with a mixture of wood ashes, sweet potato leaves, and lime to contain the odor. The coffin is then half buried about 10 m away from the house, so that the sogoy or gimukod can wander in and out of the body.
The betuung feast is held within a year after the burial; some hold it on the third day. The gimukod is entitled to attend and it is persuaded to journey on to the afterworld without taking anyone with it. Early in the morning, a meal is placed at the threshold and ashes are sprinkled at the foot of the ladder. Everyone in the house stays still so as not to frighten the soul away. If the ashes bear footprints, this means that the gimukod has come.
For a widow or widower of marriageable age, the betuung feast is an occasion for the parents and parents-in-law, together with the datu/bai, to discuss the prospect of a new spouse for the new widow/widower.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
Marriage Tradition of the Manobos
Marriage is traditionally by parental arrangement, which begins when each of two families chooses a spokesperson, preferably a datu or bai, who is known for eloquence and knowledge of custom law. The ginsa ("asking") begins with the girl's representative offering betel chew, which the boy's representative politely refuses until negotiations for the kagun (bridewealth) begin. All the groom's relatives, especially the datu/bai related to the groom's family, will contribute to the kagun. The wedding date is determined by the length of the groom's family will need to raise the kagun. In the meantime, the bride's relatives are preparing the apa (wedding feast), consisting of rice, meat, fish, and rice wine.
On the wedding day, the groom - wearing a white handkerchief - and his party walk to the bride's home. The bride is kept hidden behind a curtain in another room with someone guarding her. The groom's party knocked at the doorway y the ed-ipal, two or more of the bride's relatives who may ask the groom's party for a gift, such as clothing or money. After the feast, the elders sit on a large mat for the edteltagan he rirey, to display the symbols for the bride's value. Ten piles of corn kernels each are laid out in rows. Each pile symbolizes remuneration for the pains taken by the bride's family in rearing her. For example, one pile represents the purangan (to keep awake at night), the sleepless nights the parents spent over her; another pile represents the tugenan (viand), the nourishment they have given her. Then the groom's family presents the items of the kagun which may consist of a house, a piece of land, clothing, money, articles made of iron, brass, and animals. These items are distributed to members of the bride's extended family, especially her aunts and uncles and those who contributed to the bridewealth given by her father when he married the bride's mother.
The negotiations over, the groom's family presents the tenges (headcloth), which symbolizes that the arrangements must be wrapped up tightly to ensure a happy life for the young couple. The seru ritual follows: the bride and groom sit before a dish of rice. Each of the spokespersons takes a fistful of rice, molds it into a ball, and gives it to the couple, who feed each other. Then the guests join in the eating, with much revelry. The bride's mother prepares betel chew and hands it to her daughter, who offers it to the groom. This gesture symbolizes her tasks and duties as a wife. The couple are then given advice by the elders while the guests leave for home. The groom's parents stay for three more days, during which a purification ritual of chickens and rice is performed for the couple's gimukod (soul-spirit), whose approval of the marriage is sought. The groom goes home with his parents to call his gimukod in case it stayed there while he was away. He does not stay away too long from his bride's home because, for every day that he is gone, he must gift his in-laws with an article of clothing.
Marriage is an alliance system in which reciprocity and mutual obligation between the groom's and bride's kinship groups are expected. It is, therefore, a means of maintaining peace and oder, for the Manobo's practice of retaliation does not extend to one's kindred or allies. Incest taboo is strictly followed up to a common great-great-great grandparent on both the mother's and father's side.
Polygamy, although rarely practised, was allowed. A datu might resort to it, usually for economic and political reasons. Several wives allowed for more fields that could be cultivated, since the Manobo women did all the work in the fields. Polygyny also multiplied one's alliances and expanded them to several communities. However, the man could take another wife only if the first wife and her parents consented. The fist wife remained the head wife.
Initially, the young couple stay with the wife's family. However, as their family grows, they build their own house, close to the parents of either one. When the husband builds a house, certain taboos must be observed. If he sneezes while looking for a site, he should stop and forego the search for another day. If the cry of the limokon (omen bird/dove) is heard while he is clearing the site, he must look for another site. When he digs holes for the posts, he must avoid unearthing earthworms, termites, or beetles, for these will cause many deaths in the house. The posts must have no disfigurements because these will cause deaths in the family, no vines wrapped around them because this means that the owner will die by hanging, and no broken parts because this means that the wife will die. The roof's gable should face east so that the occupants' life "will be like the shining of the sun" (Polenda 1989:79).
The ladder should be made of indelugung wood, which rimes with rugung (thunder), so that the residents will have a reputation for virtue " that will echo abroad like thunder". Under the ladder should be buried a leaf of the pegul tree, to ward off harmful intentions; a leaf of indelugung tree, to establish a reputation for peace and happiness; a piece of small bamboo called belekayu to frustrate harmful intentions on the family; and a chip from a sharpening stone to induce sharp thinking. Coconut oil is poured on the same spot to ensure good health and happiness.
When the construction is finished, a house warming ritual is held to keep the busaw away. Chickens and pig are slaughtered, and their blood is smeared on the ladder, posts, and the main parts of the house. Blood is mixed with items representing the members of the family so that the busaw will take these in place of the people. The posts are painted with lampblack so that the busaw will not see the people in the darkness.
Illness may be caused by the person's gimukod (soul) wandering away from the body. Or, the gimukod of the sick person has been captured by the gimukod of the dead person and carried away to the latter's new home. A sick person is made to sit facing the east, his/her head covered with black cloth, through which a threaded needle and a fishhook with a long line are stuck. A dish for the patient and another for the gimukod are set before them. A bit of cooked chicken and rice from the dish is placed in a betel chew container. The sick person's gimukod is captured and imprisoned in this container. Everyone present gives the patient a gift to encourage him/her to live longer. The container is placed on patient's head; it is then opened and the patient eats the bit of food that has been placed inside it.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
On the wedding day, the groom - wearing a white handkerchief - and his party walk to the bride's home. The bride is kept hidden behind a curtain in another room with someone guarding her. The groom's party knocked at the doorway y the ed-ipal, two or more of the bride's relatives who may ask the groom's party for a gift, such as clothing or money. After the feast, the elders sit on a large mat for the edteltagan he rirey, to display the symbols for the bride's value. Ten piles of corn kernels each are laid out in rows. Each pile symbolizes remuneration for the pains taken by the bride's family in rearing her. For example, one pile represents the purangan (to keep awake at night), the sleepless nights the parents spent over her; another pile represents the tugenan (viand), the nourishment they have given her. Then the groom's family presents the items of the kagun which may consist of a house, a piece of land, clothing, money, articles made of iron, brass, and animals. These items are distributed to members of the bride's extended family, especially her aunts and uncles and those who contributed to the bridewealth given by her father when he married the bride's mother.
The negotiations over, the groom's family presents the tenges (headcloth), which symbolizes that the arrangements must be wrapped up tightly to ensure a happy life for the young couple. The seru ritual follows: the bride and groom sit before a dish of rice. Each of the spokespersons takes a fistful of rice, molds it into a ball, and gives it to the couple, who feed each other. Then the guests join in the eating, with much revelry. The bride's mother prepares betel chew and hands it to her daughter, who offers it to the groom. This gesture symbolizes her tasks and duties as a wife. The couple are then given advice by the elders while the guests leave for home. The groom's parents stay for three more days, during which a purification ritual of chickens and rice is performed for the couple's gimukod (soul-spirit), whose approval of the marriage is sought. The groom goes home with his parents to call his gimukod in case it stayed there while he was away. He does not stay away too long from his bride's home because, for every day that he is gone, he must gift his in-laws with an article of clothing.
Marriage is an alliance system in which reciprocity and mutual obligation between the groom's and bride's kinship groups are expected. It is, therefore, a means of maintaining peace and oder, for the Manobo's practice of retaliation does not extend to one's kindred or allies. Incest taboo is strictly followed up to a common great-great-great grandparent on both the mother's and father's side.
Polygamy, although rarely practised, was allowed. A datu might resort to it, usually for economic and political reasons. Several wives allowed for more fields that could be cultivated, since the Manobo women did all the work in the fields. Polygyny also multiplied one's alliances and expanded them to several communities. However, the man could take another wife only if the first wife and her parents consented. The fist wife remained the head wife.
Initially, the young couple stay with the wife's family. However, as their family grows, they build their own house, close to the parents of either one. When the husband builds a house, certain taboos must be observed. If he sneezes while looking for a site, he should stop and forego the search for another day. If the cry of the limokon (omen bird/dove) is heard while he is clearing the site, he must look for another site. When he digs holes for the posts, he must avoid unearthing earthworms, termites, or beetles, for these will cause many deaths in the house. The posts must have no disfigurements because these will cause deaths in the family, no vines wrapped around them because this means that the owner will die by hanging, and no broken parts because this means that the wife will die. The roof's gable should face east so that the occupants' life "will be like the shining of the sun" (Polenda 1989:79).
The ladder should be made of indelugung wood, which rimes with rugung (thunder), so that the residents will have a reputation for virtue " that will echo abroad like thunder". Under the ladder should be buried a leaf of the pegul tree, to ward off harmful intentions; a leaf of indelugung tree, to establish a reputation for peace and happiness; a piece of small bamboo called belekayu to frustrate harmful intentions on the family; and a chip from a sharpening stone to induce sharp thinking. Coconut oil is poured on the same spot to ensure good health and happiness.
When the construction is finished, a house warming ritual is held to keep the busaw away. Chickens and pig are slaughtered, and their blood is smeared on the ladder, posts, and the main parts of the house. Blood is mixed with items representing the members of the family so that the busaw will take these in place of the people. The posts are painted with lampblack so that the busaw will not see the people in the darkness.
Illness may be caused by the person's gimukod (soul) wandering away from the body. Or, the gimukod of the sick person has been captured by the gimukod of the dead person and carried away to the latter's new home. A sick person is made to sit facing the east, his/her head covered with black cloth, through which a threaded needle and a fishhook with a long line are stuck. A dish for the patient and another for the gimukod are set before them. A bit of cooked chicken and rice from the dish is placed in a betel chew container. The sick person's gimukod is captured and imprisoned in this container. Everyone present gives the patient a gift to encourage him/her to live longer. The container is placed on patient's head; it is then opened and the patient eats the bit of food that has been placed inside it.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
Tigwahanon
The Tigwahanon Manobo are found along the watershed of Tigwa River in the place where the municipality of San Fernando is located namely in the following places, Tugop, Little Bagiou, Kumawas, Halapitan, Iglusad, Bunacao, Katipunan, Kiboncog, Namnam, Matimbus, Sabangan, Lumbayao, and Don Cesar plain; Kalagutay, Palacpacan, Dao, Tag-alas-as and Abehid.
The catch and games in these communal food getting are equally shared that even the unborn child in his mother's womb gets a share as long as the mother has done her share of participation in the communal fishing and hunting.
The giving of equal share to unborn child reflects the esteem and value that these people gave to the human person by making the unborn child have equal rights with the adult human being. This is how much the Tigwahanon values human life.
These people have tree houses called batangan built among the branches of a growing tree with the tree trunk as its solitary post. Their fishing implements are bu-o (bamboo fish traps) in varied forms they have learned to fish using hook and line called banowit.
The staples are rice during harvest time, occasional corn grits are available and most of the year round they subsist on camote (sweet potato) and other crops like cassava.
The Tigwahanon are scattered all over the Municipality of San Fernando in Bukidnon close to the border of Davao del Norte. The term Tigwahanon may have been derived from the Tigwa River where the Tigwahanon inhabits its banks and watersheds (NCIP, 2003). ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website
Umayamnon
These Indigenous peoples dwell along the watershed of Umayam River in the Mountains of Pantaron in the Eastern side of the province of Bukidnon. They are fair in complexion five feet or above in height. Their eyes are set closed enough to each other with an average height of nose bridge. They are proud and reserved people.
The Umayamnon is synonymous to fierceness for their group is regarded as warlike and forest experts. But according to Opena (1982), these people are just suspicious and wary of strangers for whenever there are crimes committed in places that are easily reached by law enforcing agencies, the criminals often flee to the Umayam region hence criminals are often hunted in Umayam and almost always these hunts are futile.
They chew betel nut very frequently and their teeth are filed to uniform length which are mostly blackened. Purposes for making the teeth black are two namely: for medicinal purposes and for decoration. The black dye that they used to blacken the teeth means one distinction of being a human (who knows how to dye his teeth black) for according to them only monkeys have white teeth. Umayamnon are excellent makers of bead jewelry like the necklaces called ginakit and inboy, beautiful beaded men's bag called suning and unisex beaded bracelets called binuklad.
The Umayamnon traces their kinds bilaterally, that is the blood relations of both father and mother are esteemed as close relatives. Reciprocal roles are expected from them like helping raise a ransom or a bride price, sharing games or catch for the day or participating in a communal field clearing the kagsakum. ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website
Talaandigs
The Talaandigs are one of the indigenous groups in the province of Bukidnon, who has continued to preserve and promote its indigenous customs, beliefs and practices despite the strong influx modernization and change. This groups is found in barangays and municipalities surrounding the mountain of Kitanglad specifically in the towns of Lantapan and Talakag (Talamdan, 2001).
The belief on the existence of the highest God called Magbabaya and the spirits who guard and protect nature is minfested in the social, economic and political aspects of the life of the Talandig. Thus, when the Talaandig establishes a farm, he performs the Talabugta and Ibabasuk rituals, after harvest, he performs the Pamamahandi for the thanksgiving, for the recognition of the superior leadership, he performs the Panagulambung, when he goes hunting, the Punaliket and palayag, and for a higher form of socio-economic and political activity, the Talaandig performs the Kaliga ceremony.
The belief of the Talaandig on the existence of gods and spirits is also reflected in the protection of the house. These include Dadagunan hu Suguy who guards the laws of the house: Anilaw ha Sumagda who guards the door, Sinyuda Kahibunan who keeps the hall, Diwata ha Mailib who records the activity of peole inside the house and Diwata Pinatanlay who guards the house at the ridge of the roof.
According to Tajonera (2003) marriage is the most significant basis of Talaandig kinship. Before arranging marriage, the consanguinity and affinity relationships of contracting parties are determined as basis for settling the appropriate customary laws and procedures. During marriage, counseling is established as guideline to preserve relationship. This is carried out in the observance of the Bayluwa custom where each of the couple is instructed to tell problems related to their relationships as husband and wife only to their parent-in-laws. This custom provides smooth relationship with-in-laws who have the parental authority to discipline their own children.
In Talaandig kinship terms, a father is called Amay; a mother, Inay; a brother, suled; a sister, atubay. Uncle is called Aba or Abang. An aunt is called Ida or Idang. Apu is a general term grandparent. Parent-in-laws are called Ugang. A son-in-law is called Maamong while a daughter in law is called Lagambay.
The Talaandig learning system is embodied in various forms of oral tradition. This tradition includes the narratives called Nanangen, epic called Ulaging, poetic songs called sala and songs called Idangdang. Limbay are particular songs about animals.
The long historical narrative Talaandig is called Gugud. It is considered sacred because it relates to the existence of the gods and spirits at the time of creation. A Talandig story to recall is called Batbat while a reference story is called Sampitan while a brain twister or riddle of the Talandig is called Antuka.
The Talaandig has two methods of healing illness. One is through a religious ceremony. Another is through the application of traditional herbal medicine.
The Talaandig are known to be dwellers of the steep places. They are the people of the slopes (andig). These IPs who ascribed themselves as Talaandig are mostly found in Lantapan and Talakag.
Both the Talaandig and Higaonon indigenous communities claimed Mt. Kitanglad as their sacred "temple" and ancestral home. They believed that the forest was the source of life because it served all of their needs: wild animals for food; medicinal plants to cure illnesses; timber for house construction; and rattan to make baskets and other crafts. They chose an area within the forest as hunting reserve. The wild animals were allowed to propagate and multiply. Hunters were selective and conservative in numbers of animals that they killed. ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website
Matigsalug
According to Opena (1982) the Matigsalug are mostly small in stature with dark brown complexion and curly hair. Traditional wear is a long sleeved jacket with knee length pants and head gears embellished with horse's hair and beads for men. Women wear mid-length blouses with a skirt and strands of beads attached to wooden disks on their ears. Their clothes are colorfully embroidered with geometric patterns.
The life of an animistic revolves around a spirit world. They maintain that spirits live in water, land, trees, and rocks. Tragedies like illnesses, drought and death are caused by angry spirits. Events like planting crops and revenge-taking (called "pangayaw") are preceded by rituals. Life is preoccupied with appeasing the spirits by offering sacrifices. Eggs, rice, corn, coins bracelets, anklets and betel nuts are placed on an altar, and the Datu, while calling on the spirits, slits the throat of a chicken and offers the blood. It is very difficult to convince people who been practicing such things for many generations that it is wrong.
The name "Matigsalug" is a construction of Matig and Salug. Matig means from (a place of origin or residence) in various Filipino languages, followed by the specific place of origin or residence. Hence, Matigsalug means from Salug (River). The Matigsalug epic Ulod, provided a definite identity of these IPs which was documented by Manuel(1956). ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website
Bukidnons
The Bukidnons is an ethnic tribe in North central Mindanao whose ancestors were the aborigines of the coastal places of what is now the province of Misamis Oriental (Clotet, 1889).Their major means of subsistence are food gathering and swidden agriculture.The women are skilled in making appliqué and embroidering garments. The Bukidnons speak the Binukid dialect. They have light brown complexion, straight black hair; have an average height of about five feet. Their nose bridge is not flat (NCIP, 2003).The IPs who simply identify themselves as Bukidnon are mostly found in the northern part of the province. They specifically inhabited the lower slopes of the mountains of Sumilao, around Malaybalay and those lowland areas of Central Bukidnon. Courtships and marriages among the Bukidnons are brought about by parental arrangements made since the children were eleven years old. Men practice polygamy but the women are expected to be monogamous. Marriage is done by exchanging betel with molded rice.Bukidnons art is best expressed in their dances, poetry and music, mat weaving, and basketry. The Bukidnon musical instruments consist of bamboo flutes, bamboo Jew's harp, one-stringed violin, and the boatshaped guitar.The Bukidnon handicrafts consist of mats, hats, fishtraps, and cloth weaving. The traditional method of farming is still being practiced by the farmers in planting palay, corn, sugarcane, pineapple, coffee, cassava, abaca, and vegetables. ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website
Tuesday, July 7, 2015
Higaunons
The term Higaunon means "people of the wilderness". The term is derived from the native word "gaun" which means literally put away either from fire, heat of the sun or from the water. Hence, the Higaunon are basically the coastal dwellers who moved to the uplands (mountains). They are somewhat nomadic, that is, they travel from one mountain village to another, looking for more fertile soil and better harvest.
The Higaunon people are of medium built with average height of about 5 feet and 2 inches, they are of lighter skin complexion compared to the other tribes in the province. Quiet a number of them have a very recognizable European features, aquiline nose, deep-set eyes and prominent cheeks, a legacy of the intermarriage between the natives and the Spanish colonizers.
The higaunon have unwritten laws called Buncatol Ha Bulawan and their oral tradition is Pasig Ha Sumagubay (Opena, 1982). According to Tajonera (2003) the Higaunons are among the least known ethnolinguistic groups that inhabit north-central Mindanao. The Higaunons have their own system of writing. Their myths and legend speak of a great ancestor named "Suwat" who kept a list of the people who were living and dead during the great flood that took place long ago.
The political system of the Higaunon revolves around a datu. There is usually a principal datu who rule over an entire group composed of several units that are each headed by minor datus. These minor datus form a counseling body for the whole community. The datu assumes multiple roles in the community. He is supposed to be the wisest and bravest among his people.
With the practice of polygamy in Higaonon society, the kinship has a patrilateral bias. The husband maintains systematic supervisions over his wives who, nowadays, average three to a household, live with him under a single roof. Children are considered equal. No discrimination is made between those of the first marriage or those from later marriages. Any child grows up as one born into a monogamous family.
Marriage is arranged mainly by the parents of the boy and girl. The arrangement is a long and tedious process. Prior to the wedding, the boy must live in the girl's house for about a year to prove his worth). ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website
Manobo
According to Opena (1985), Manobo is a generic term which refers to people who are still in the subsistence level economy and are generally in the mountains and who practice the slash and burn agriculture. Further she qualified that the term Manobo is very derogatory for it connotes to be backward, uncivilized, ignorant, boisterous, unwashed, unkept, rough and lawless. Hence, she opined that the use of the term must be used with discreetness, tact and prudence. The term can also mean a slave (magdul) or a person destined to do all the menial jobs in the house and farm.
According to Elkins (1977) the Manobo belongs to the original stock of proto-Philippines or proto-Austronesian people who came from South China thousands of years ago. He later coined the term Manobo to designate the stock of aboriginal non-negeritoid people of Mindanao. They mostly inhabit the hinterlands of Bukidnon specifically on the boundaries of Agusan, Bukidnon, Cotabato, Davao and Misamis Oriental (NCIP,2003).
The Western Manobos are in the Southwestern part of Bukidnon in Mulita, Kalilangan and Pangantucan. These people speak a quaint language with Marawi influence which cannot be understood by other ethnic groups in Bukidnon.
Marriage is traditionally by parental arrangement, which begins when each of the two families chooses a spokesperson, preferably a datu or bai, who is known for eloquence and knowledge of custom law. Marriage is an alliance system in which reciprocity and mutual obligation between the groom's and bride's kinship groups are expected. It is, therefore, a means of maintaining peace and order, for the Manobo's practice of retaliation does not extend to one's kindred or allies.
Poligamy, although rarely practiced, was allowed. A datu might resort to it, usually for economic and political reasons. Several wives allowed for more foelds that could be cultivated, since the Manobo women did all the work in the fields. Poligamy also multiplied one's alliances and expanded them to several communities. However, they could take another wife only if the first wife and her parents consented. The first wife remained the head wife.
Traditional fabric for clothes was abaca or hemp, weaved by the ikat process, but is now cotton cloth obtained through trade. Dyes were acquired from plants and trees. Ginuwatan are inwoven representational designs such as flowers. If cotton trade cloth is bought, big floral designs are preferred. Typical colors are red, black, yellow, green, blue and white. Manobo ancestors had blankets of abaca fiber which were linetungan if these had multicolored design, and bayas if plain white. ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website
Saturday, July 4, 2015
Performing Arts of the Manobos
Manobo music differs from one group to another. The variance can be observed in the gong ensembles, which may consist of 8 to 10 agong (gongs) as in the ahong of Magpet, or five small hand-held gongs as in the sagagong.
The ahong has 10 small knobbed gongs hung vertically on a frame usually in a triangular formation, with the smallest gong near the apex. The gongs I the set are grouped into the kaantuhan, consisting of the higher-pitched gongs, which carry the melody; the gandingan, which are three or four lower-pitched gongs providing a melodic costinato; and the bandil, the lowest-pitched gong, which sets the tempo. The gaantuhan layer stands as he/she strikes gongs one to six in repeated melodic patterns, sometimes moving away from the gongs as he/she interjects some dance movements. The gandingan player strikes gongs seven, eight, and nine, and occasionally gong six, while the bandil player is limited to gong ten. Both gandingan and bandil players are sited either crossed-legged or on their heels. The ahong is heard during festive occasions and has in its repertoire pieces entitled "Panihuman" (conversation), "Badbad" (thanksgiving), "Tukubong" (reconciliation), and "Malandoy" (clan reunion).
In the municipalities of President Roxas and Sitio Kabalantian in Magpet, north Cotobato, the tagungguan is a gong set consisting of eight knobbed gongs suspended vertically on a frame. When two people perform on the tagungguan, one provides the basic tempo using gong six or eight, while the other plays the melody on the remaining gongs. Dancing at a agricultural rituals and festive occasion is usually accompanied by an ensemble consisting of the tagungguan, a gibba/gimbae (drum) and a pagakpak (a pair of sticks). Some pieces played on the tagungguan are "Managwaynag sinagkaw" (Crying lady), "Abadti" (Thanksgiving), "Panihuman" (Merry making), "Babang ngat" (Dance music), and "Tagungguan/tagunggo" (Playing Tagungguan music).
The Manobo gong ensemble from Kulaman Valley of Kalamansig, Sultan Kudarat, is called sagagong, and consist of five small gongs struck with padded sticks. Each of five performers carries one gong by its short strings as she/he strikes a particular rhythmic pattern. When only four players perform, the second and third gongs are assigned to one person. The sagagong played during festive gatherings, and among its pieces "Deket-deket," "Talipenan," "Tulos," "Funinko," and "Manadiser," the last three being dance pieces.
The saluray/sauray/tugo (bamboo tube zither) is 50 cm long and 12 cm in diameter. Among the Agusanon Manobo, it is also variously called the palung, daunan, and kaiyau-an. It has five to nine strings lifted from the hard skin of the tube itself. In Magpet the sauray toire includes that of the gong ensemble; it also accompany songs like "Lahinat Ko Maandas" (Stand up, Maandas). In Kulaman Valley many pieces of the tugo programmatic, conjuring images that stimulates the sense of sight and sound. Examples of these are "Lambag Dagat" (Waves of the Sea), "Dagi Sigkil" (Tiny bells of anklets), "Kagit Batako" (A man waiting in the water looking for his brother), "Hamelin a tao namatay" (Advice from a dying man), and "Hambog Nonoy" (Nonoy, the braggart).
Kuglong is a two-stringed lute in Magpet and Pres Roxas in Kulaman Valley, it is called faglong. A crocodile- or boat-shaped lute is called kutyapi by the western Bukidnon Manobo, kudlung (small lute), and Binijaan (larger lute) by the Agusanon Manobo. It is usually played in agricultural and wedding rites or during courtship. The perform often sings, dances, and plays the lute at the same time. In Magpet, the kuglong accompanies songs, such as "Iyanad so anak ko" (go to sleep my baby), "Talukaw" (a tree), "Nakad sandita" (a lady regretting fate), "Eslole" (slowly), and "Alimugkat" (goddess of the river). In Kulaman Valley, "Dakal faglong" is a lute piece for dance. The two-stringed lute maybe played solo or in an ensemble combining a saluray and the lantoy, a ring-type bamboo flute, 22 cm long and a diameter of 8mm, with four finger holes. The lantoy is also used as a solo instrument to play tunes of vocal music for the epic Uwahingan or to accompany songs like "Baya-baya," which recounts one's experiences.
Pundag/flandag/kulandag/paundag/pulala, a bamboo flute has a notch at its blowing end, two to four finger holes, and a thumbhole. The pulandag in the Midsayap area measures 64 cm long and has a diameter of 15mm. The paundag of the Agusan Valley or pulala of the western Bukidnon Manobo is one meter long has four fingerholes and a thumbhole is played while held in a vertical position. Examples of pieces in its repertoire in Midsayap are "Duyoy tomas" (song of a hen), "Malakufak" (A singing bird), "Tingkalong" (Fox), "Daleway" (A girl mourning her father's death), "Duyoy baye" ( A song of a woman about to be married), and "Hongti hai" (remembrance). The flute is played to express one's feeling or to stimulate the sounds of nature.
The kombeng/kubing/kuving meaning (a bamboo jews harp) is made of a thin piece of bentung bamboo, with a small strip that is partially cut in the middle one end is held in the mouth with one hand while a finger of the other hand taps it to make the strip vibrate. The Midsayap Manobo say the kubing "talks" , "tells stories," "makes conversation," or "gives messages" (Pfeiffer 1965:8). The kuving and flute are used for courtship and entertainment.
Other instruments found in Kulaman Valley include the sluloy/suling (54-cm long flute), lutang (three to five suspended logs), taluan/salagaan (log drum), takumba/takumbo (two-stringed parallel zither beaten with a little stick), and deyuzey/duwagey (one-stringed coconut shell fiddle). A flute without finger holes is the lantuban, 60cm X 11mm. Tone is achieved varying the force of one's breath and the size of the flute's end hole with the fingertip.
The slagi is a large gong used to call people to assembly. A regular beat announces an ordinary gathering, but a fast tempo of the slagi signifies an urgent call. Many Manobo songs are also accompanied by rhythmic sounds from the singer's dagipla (armpit), produced by the abrupt movement of the upper arm towards the body. Fotfot, sung at wakes and social gatherings, is accompanied by such sounds.
A recording of Manobo music made by Priscilla Magdamo Abraham in 1957 and 1962 in the Midsayap area consists of 124 samples, out of which 33 are instrumental performances and 91 are vocal. Out of the 91 vocal pieces, only three are accompanied by instrumentation. None of the instrumental music includes drumming. On the other hand, John Garvan (1931) when he was in the Agusan Valley area in 1910, remarked that the gimbae (drum) was used all the time to accompany religious and secular dances. The people were said to be able to recognize and name 20 to 30 different drum tunes, such as the sinakaisakay, "like the movement of a raft or canoe," and kumbakumba to usa, "like the sporting of a deer." The agong, which used to be played together with the drum, has now replaced the drum altogether.
Manobo vocal music consists of ritual songs which are narrative songs, lullabies, and songs of nature at the same time. An important song type is the epic song Owaging/Uwahingen, whose equivalent in the Kulaman Valley is Duyoy Taguden.
Among the Cotabato Manobo, susunan is the generic term for any kind of song including the Uwaging epic. The mandata are love songs; the delinda are occupation songs, war songs, lullabies, planting and harvest songs; the minudar and mauley are funeral songs (Maquiso 1977). The nalit is a type of song that relates life experiences.
Fifty songs recorded in the Midsayap area by Abraham were divided into nine groups based on occasion and purpose, listed and described here as they were in Pfeiffer (1965:10-13). Ritual songs are the following: andal, a ceremonial request for the singer to begin; ay dingding, a wake song; bityara, denediction used in the Langkat; hiya hiya humiya, sung at the Samayaan ceremony; mahudlay, wake song concerning the limukon (omen bird); manganinay, bee hunting song; masundanayen, wake song of women; masulanti, wake song dialogue between mother, daughter, and young man that ends in a riddle; panangansangan, mediums song chanted while in a trance; panlalawag, prehunt ritual song to Lalawag; tamanda, wake song considered dangerous because it attracts witches; tiwa, prehunt ritual song about lizards; and udag-udagu, prehunt song to Mahumanay.
Narrative songs are the andal, introduction to the magic cycle Tulalang; bimbiya, adventures of a folk hero; idangdang, entertainment or didactic narrative; kirenteken, historical legends consisting partly of the songs of the Kirinteken Manobo living near Kamadzil; mandagan, historical tales; Tulalang, epic narrative; Tuwa, story of Tuwa; and Ulahing, epic narrative.
Entertainment songs are the dalwanay, which expresses mother's concern for her soldier son; dampilay advice on marriage and the selection of a husband; inkakak, a man's attempt to escape two nagging wives; mantiay-ay, a song for social gatherings; migkoy, which could be a story about a snake-bitten companion, or humorous song; and tatalok kaw, dance song.
Dalinday (love songs) could be the song of a man pleading with his ladylove to stay; a particular love song about a girl in love with a kudyapi player; or a song remarking that a man should prove his love by journeying to Midsayap and filling out an affidavit. Also categorized as love songs are the kasumba sa rawasan, a farewell song that reminds the beloved to be good; the lawgan, about a girl in love with a man who plays a kudyapi and owns a motor boat; and the mandata, love song.
Children's songs are bakbak, about a frog; binlay pa biya-aw, sung by older children for infants; kuku, a woman's bedtime story about a cat; and nguknguk, a bedtime folktale about grandfather monkey and baby monkey.
Ay Ding, a "lullaby for the dead," is sung only during a wake and when a baylan is present, for it attracts the evil sprits who come looking for a corpse to eat. If there is no baylan to keep the evil spirits away, and there is no dead person for the spirits to pray upon, they, attracted by the song, will not leave until they have caused someones death. The song as it was recorded by Abraham (Pfeiffer 1965) takes 1 min 42 sec to sing. Unlike other ritual songs, which are strictly chanted, Ay Ding ding has a more melodic and regular beat, giving it a songlike character. "Dingding" is an untranslatable word used to evoke pathos in a refrain.
This ritual song is also a narrative. The hunting dogs mentioned in this song are named Pulangi and Mulita, which are also the names of two main rivers in the Midsayap area. Mt Makaranding, a few kilometers away from Libungan, Cotabato, is believed to be the giant pig referred to in this song.
Hiya hiya humiya is sung during the Samayaan ritual, the Manobo New Year celebration, which is held at the start of the swidden clearing. The Manobo year begins on the first day of the planting season and ends on the last day of harvesting. The Samayaan is a ritual in which omens are read in connection with all the stages of the farming cycle: clearing, planting, growing, and harvesting. At about 7AM, when the good spirits are around, a baylan, carrying a white lighting cock, leads the men as they walk seven times around the food offering that has been set on the ground. The baylan chants the prayer lines and the participants respond with the phrase, "hiya hiya humiya," which they sing antiphonally with the baylan. This ritual is followed by a fight between the white cock and another cock that has been selected to assure that it will lose. During the cockfight, omens are sought: for example, if a cock's beak is bitten, this means there will be a good harvest. The defeated cock is cooked and the gods of planting, pigs, forests, and rats are invited to partake of the feast. The gardening tools are brought out and offered for safeguarding so they will not cause the farmers any harm. The next morning, an egg and grains of puffed rice are throw over the swidden site.
Hiya hiya humiya, hiya hiya humiya
Listen, Sugay, hear Diwata,
Do not jinx, do not hex me
Because seriously I ask over and over.
Hiya hiya humiya.
Heed, Diwata, observe this meat offering, Diwata pillar, look at the food, Isuguy post;
Look at us, Tababasuk, powerful center,
Because the ceremonial cockfight begins the Samayaan.
Hiya hiya, hiya, hiya
What I implore is that all of you Listen, all hear,
Ibabasuk, powerful god, where the sun rises
Because Kalayag, the merciful, is the eastward sun,
Maker the fighting cock our offering.
Hiya hiya, hiya hiya.
Specially call I because Diwata, Grandmother of Pudadu drowned,
Grandmother submerged at the Vicinity of the Bulikanan River fork;
Hiya hiya humiya, hiya hiya humiya.
No exception, none excepted.
Diwata representatives of all the world, Suguy, representing the whole world,
Them call I for sure assistance, Suguy, refuge, Diwata.
Before going on a hunting trip, one must first ask for permission from Lalawag, god of all forest game. Otherwise, the hunter will be killed either by his prey or by his own dogs. If he does succeed with his hunt even without asking for Lalawag's blessing, anyone who eats his catch will instantly die. This song must be sung reverently and, once begun, must be completed. It is sung only in the forest on the eve of the hunt. If the hunter sings it inside the house, Lalawag will cause the house to burn down.
Manganinay is a song addressed to Panayangan, the god of the bee hunt, to pray for a successful hunt. Only bee hunters are allowed to sing it. On the eve or early morning of the hunt, the hunter sings while lying on a hammock outside his house. Singing it inside the house will cause the house to burn down.
I am hoping and praying to find honey by following the bees flying to their hive,
The bees fly in swarms like the cloud,
Clustering like clouds passing between the trees,
So I watch between the gaps;
I am hoping and praying,
Difficult it is to guess
Where there are bees in hollow trees,
Since there is a racket because of the children in lawaan trees,
Trying to look for beehives built on the branches,
I am hoping and praying,
Oh, that there are hives on the bent tree.
On the eve of hunting trip for monkeys, fish or lizards, the men sing the ritual song tiwa.
Tiwa lizard Tiwa
What uncle mountain Tiwa
There I the eat Tiwa
High hill Tiwa
Because I meditate still Tiwa
As to what happened Tiwa
Setting sun Tiwa
Because if father has not arrived Tiwa
Why do you still expect Tiwa
Your father if he Tiwa
Was caught in the trap Tiwa
Caught in the trap Tiwa
A ritual song addressed to Mahumanay, the god who owns the forest and the deer in it, is the Udag-udagu.
Udag-udagu Run running faun
Udag-udagu Not visible above barubu
Udag-udago Nickered faun
Udag-udagu Said stag,"where go you, faun?"
Udag-udago Nickered faun,
Udag-udagu "Do not inquire, mother,
I go searching for father." Udag-udagu.
The various dances among the Manobo entertain, educate, and propitiate the gods. Among the Agusanon are the sinundo/singangga, dance ritual to ward off epidemic busau; pangaliyag, courtship dance; pangasawa, marriage ritual; kinugsik-kugsik, squirrel dance. Those witnessed and described by Garvan (1931) in 1910 are the bathing dance, honey gathering dance, hair plucking dance, sexual dance, and dagger or sword dance.
The Agusanon and Umayamnon saet, Cotabato saut, and Western Bukidnon kedsaut is a war dance of one or two warriors, each holding either a war bolo or a spear with a bell attached to it, and a shield. In the kedsaut, the two dancers begin from opposite sides of the dance area, brandishing their shields and shaking their spears. First, they dance sideways, then they imitate a hawk in flight before they finally engage in mock combat, each hitting the other's shield with his spear and crashing shield against shield, "navel to navel" (Plenda 1989:139). Rhythmic music is provided by the bells attached to their spears.
An Arumanen Manobo verson of the war dance is the mangmangayan, with two bagani each brandishing a sundang (bolo) and a kampilan (sword). Every once in a while, in the course of the dance, they adjust their tangkulo (headgear). The Pulangi Manobo's version of the mangmangayan ends with a peace pact and a celebration dance which the women join. The datu/bai, acting as arbiter, places a kerchief on the ground and all the warriors place their weapons on it to signify peace and end of the hostilities.
Other Arumanen Manobo dances are the paningara (bee hunt), pegako (courtship dance), and pendaraka (woman's response to the courtship). The kinudlat ng sayao demonstrates the performer's ability to touch his shoulders with his toes. The penarangas-tangas and manmanaol are both hawk dances, which a bagani and a woman perform. In the manmanaol, the hawk catches its prey, represented by a kerchief on the floor.
The binanog (hawk dance) mimics a hawk sweeping down on its prey. The Cotabato Manobo version has a female dancer using a kerchief, which she drops and then picks up while using her hands and arms to imitate the hawk. The steps are simple hop-steps and slide-steps. She wears earrings that reach down to the shoulders and anklets. The beat is a slow 1-2-3-4. Among the Pulangi Manobo, the binanog is a component of the courtship dance. Two other Manobo dances imitating bird movements are the kakayamatan and the bubudsil (hornbill). These dances may be accompanied by gongs or zithers.
A vigorous courtship dance is the pig-agawan, which involves two women vying for the attention of one man. A bai and a datu try to settle the dispute between the two women. A slow walking dance exclusively for females of marriageable age is the takumbo, which signifies their availability for marriage. It is named after the musical instrument that accompanies their movements. Another woman's dance, also called takumbo, is performed by one woman who simultaneously dances and plucks the takumbo. She rests the takumbo on her waist while she holds it in her left hand.
In Kidapawan, Cotabato, girls dance around the mortar to the beat of their pestles as they pound rice. During harvest celebrations, the Tigwahanon have an occupational dance called inamong, in which men and women execute monkeylike steps as they step on rice stalks to separate the chaff from the grain. The bakbak is a children's comical dance; they hop and make noises by slapping their bodies while maintaining a squatting position throughout.
The agpanikop (fish hunt dance) of the Manobo of Matalam, north Cotabato, portrays a boy, torch and spear in hand, looking for edible frogs. A second boy joins him in the hunt after the initial mutual wariness is dispelled. The second boy is wounded and writhes in pain, the first boy fetches the womenfolk and the baylan. The dance turns into a healing dance ritual and the boy, fully recovered, joins the women and baylan in a thanksgiving dance.
The pangayam is a reenactment of a hunter in pursuit of a wild boar. He carries his lance and bolo and is accompanied by his dog, represented by a bottle to which a strip of red cloth is tied.
In the Umayamnon inanak-anak/bata-bata, a girl mimes a woman's chores. She pretends to take care of a baby, putting it to sleep, trying to stop its carrying, feeding it with milk. She goes to the fields to dig for camote, then washes and makes herself beautiful before a stream.
The Tigwahanon bangkakaw is a festival dance celebrating a war victory or a bountiful catch of fish from the river. The centerpiece is the bangkakaw (log), which the women beat with the ando (pestles) and the men, with lampus (rods) while doing some stunts over and under it. They provide the accompaniment for the dancing fisherfolk, who carry their catch in their bubo (fish traps) and liag (large basket with a headsling).
A thanksgiving ritual in Magpet, North Cotabato, is the binadbad, which begins with the men facing heavenwards as they address the gods. Atop (coconut palms) are suspended at the center of the dance area. Then women join the dance, their attention on the atop, which they gather one by one. They then vary their formations, each holding an atop. Another woman joins them, gathers all the atop from them, and returns these to the center.
Among the western Bukidnon Manobo, the dance of the healing ritual is the legudas. Women holding hands form a circle around the baylan, who chants to the busaw, requesting it to return to the deity that has sent it to cause the illness. The men then stand between the women in the circle. The women wear the saya (wraparound skirt), sinu-laman (embroidered blouse), embroidered belt, and tikes (knee band) with the seriyew (pewter bells). The rhythmic music is provided by the seriyew.
The haklaran, which has been observed among the Agusanon, Tigwahanon, and Umayamnon, is a healing ritual performed by a male and female baylan. A prelude to this is the ritual dressing of the male baylan in woman's skirt, usually a malong, for it is improper for a man to perform the haklaran in a man's attire. This dance is performed around the sankaw, an altar bearing the sacrificial offering of a pig's head.
The suyad-buya is the healing ritual dance in Magpet, North Cotabato. It dramatizes the process by which the baylan heals a sick boy as his mother and a group of young women watch. The women prepare the paraphernalia by bringing in a table on which they set four coconut shells containing burning incense. They also carry red ribbons meant to drive the evil spirits away. As they dance in the background, the baylan enters, dances around the patient and waves a white chicken overhead. The shaman takes the chicken to the table, cuts its neck, and smears the patient's forehead with its blood. The boy regains his health and dances joyfully with the women and his mother. * R.C. Lucero, with notes from H. Tejero, F Prudente, R. Obusan, C. Hila, E. Maranan, and E.A. Manuel
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
The ahong has 10 small knobbed gongs hung vertically on a frame usually in a triangular formation, with the smallest gong near the apex. The gongs I the set are grouped into the kaantuhan, consisting of the higher-pitched gongs, which carry the melody; the gandingan, which are three or four lower-pitched gongs providing a melodic costinato; and the bandil, the lowest-pitched gong, which sets the tempo. The gaantuhan layer stands as he/she strikes gongs one to six in repeated melodic patterns, sometimes moving away from the gongs as he/she interjects some dance movements. The gandingan player strikes gongs seven, eight, and nine, and occasionally gong six, while the bandil player is limited to gong ten. Both gandingan and bandil players are sited either crossed-legged or on their heels. The ahong is heard during festive occasions and has in its repertoire pieces entitled "Panihuman" (conversation), "Badbad" (thanksgiving), "Tukubong" (reconciliation), and "Malandoy" (clan reunion).
In the municipalities of President Roxas and Sitio Kabalantian in Magpet, north Cotobato, the tagungguan is a gong set consisting of eight knobbed gongs suspended vertically on a frame. When two people perform on the tagungguan, one provides the basic tempo using gong six or eight, while the other plays the melody on the remaining gongs. Dancing at a agricultural rituals and festive occasion is usually accompanied by an ensemble consisting of the tagungguan, a gibba/gimbae (drum) and a pagakpak (a pair of sticks). Some pieces played on the tagungguan are "Managwaynag sinagkaw" (Crying lady), "Abadti" (Thanksgiving), "Panihuman" (Merry making), "Babang ngat" (Dance music), and "Tagungguan/tagunggo" (Playing Tagungguan music).
The Manobo gong ensemble from Kulaman Valley of Kalamansig, Sultan Kudarat, is called sagagong, and consist of five small gongs struck with padded sticks. Each of five performers carries one gong by its short strings as she/he strikes a particular rhythmic pattern. When only four players perform, the second and third gongs are assigned to one person. The sagagong played during festive gatherings, and among its pieces "Deket-deket," "Talipenan," "Tulos," "Funinko," and "Manadiser," the last three being dance pieces.
The saluray/sauray/tugo (bamboo tube zither) is 50 cm long and 12 cm in diameter. Among the Agusanon Manobo, it is also variously called the palung, daunan, and kaiyau-an. It has five to nine strings lifted from the hard skin of the tube itself. In Magpet the sauray toire includes that of the gong ensemble; it also accompany songs like "Lahinat Ko Maandas" (Stand up, Maandas). In Kulaman Valley many pieces of the tugo programmatic, conjuring images that stimulates the sense of sight and sound. Examples of these are "Lambag Dagat" (Waves of the Sea), "Dagi Sigkil" (Tiny bells of anklets), "Kagit Batako" (A man waiting in the water looking for his brother), "Hamelin a tao namatay" (Advice from a dying man), and "Hambog Nonoy" (Nonoy, the braggart).
Kuglong is a two-stringed lute in Magpet and Pres Roxas in Kulaman Valley, it is called faglong. A crocodile- or boat-shaped lute is called kutyapi by the western Bukidnon Manobo, kudlung (small lute), and Binijaan (larger lute) by the Agusanon Manobo. It is usually played in agricultural and wedding rites or during courtship. The perform often sings, dances, and plays the lute at the same time. In Magpet, the kuglong accompanies songs, such as "Iyanad so anak ko" (go to sleep my baby), "Talukaw" (a tree), "Nakad sandita" (a lady regretting fate), "Eslole" (slowly), and "Alimugkat" (goddess of the river). In Kulaman Valley, "Dakal faglong" is a lute piece for dance. The two-stringed lute maybe played solo or in an ensemble combining a saluray and the lantoy, a ring-type bamboo flute, 22 cm long and a diameter of 8mm, with four finger holes. The lantoy is also used as a solo instrument to play tunes of vocal music for the epic Uwahingan or to accompany songs like "Baya-baya," which recounts one's experiences.
Pundag/flandag/kulandag/paundag/pulala, a bamboo flute has a notch at its blowing end, two to four finger holes, and a thumbhole. The pulandag in the Midsayap area measures 64 cm long and has a diameter of 15mm. The paundag of the Agusan Valley or pulala of the western Bukidnon Manobo is one meter long has four fingerholes and a thumbhole is played while held in a vertical position. Examples of pieces in its repertoire in Midsayap are "Duyoy tomas" (song of a hen), "Malakufak" (A singing bird), "Tingkalong" (Fox), "Daleway" (A girl mourning her father's death), "Duyoy baye" ( A song of a woman about to be married), and "Hongti hai" (remembrance). The flute is played to express one's feeling or to stimulate the sounds of nature.
The kombeng/kubing/kuving meaning (a bamboo jews harp) is made of a thin piece of bentung bamboo, with a small strip that is partially cut in the middle one end is held in the mouth with one hand while a finger of the other hand taps it to make the strip vibrate. The Midsayap Manobo say the kubing "talks" , "tells stories," "makes conversation," or "gives messages" (Pfeiffer 1965:8). The kuving and flute are used for courtship and entertainment.
Other instruments found in Kulaman Valley include the sluloy/suling (54-cm long flute), lutang (three to five suspended logs), taluan/salagaan (log drum), takumba/takumbo (two-stringed parallel zither beaten with a little stick), and deyuzey/duwagey (one-stringed coconut shell fiddle). A flute without finger holes is the lantuban, 60cm X 11mm. Tone is achieved varying the force of one's breath and the size of the flute's end hole with the fingertip.
The slagi is a large gong used to call people to assembly. A regular beat announces an ordinary gathering, but a fast tempo of the slagi signifies an urgent call. Many Manobo songs are also accompanied by rhythmic sounds from the singer's dagipla (armpit), produced by the abrupt movement of the upper arm towards the body. Fotfot, sung at wakes and social gatherings, is accompanied by such sounds.
A recording of Manobo music made by Priscilla Magdamo Abraham in 1957 and 1962 in the Midsayap area consists of 124 samples, out of which 33 are instrumental performances and 91 are vocal. Out of the 91 vocal pieces, only three are accompanied by instrumentation. None of the instrumental music includes drumming. On the other hand, John Garvan (1931) when he was in the Agusan Valley area in 1910, remarked that the gimbae (drum) was used all the time to accompany religious and secular dances. The people were said to be able to recognize and name 20 to 30 different drum tunes, such as the sinakaisakay, "like the movement of a raft or canoe," and kumbakumba to usa, "like the sporting of a deer." The agong, which used to be played together with the drum, has now replaced the drum altogether.
Manobo vocal music consists of ritual songs which are narrative songs, lullabies, and songs of nature at the same time. An important song type is the epic song Owaging/Uwahingen, whose equivalent in the Kulaman Valley is Duyoy Taguden.
Among the Cotabato Manobo, susunan is the generic term for any kind of song including the Uwaging epic. The mandata are love songs; the delinda are occupation songs, war songs, lullabies, planting and harvest songs; the minudar and mauley are funeral songs (Maquiso 1977). The nalit is a type of song that relates life experiences.
Fifty songs recorded in the Midsayap area by Abraham were divided into nine groups based on occasion and purpose, listed and described here as they were in Pfeiffer (1965:10-13). Ritual songs are the following: andal, a ceremonial request for the singer to begin; ay dingding, a wake song; bityara, denediction used in the Langkat; hiya hiya humiya, sung at the Samayaan ceremony; mahudlay, wake song concerning the limukon (omen bird); manganinay, bee hunting song; masundanayen, wake song of women; masulanti, wake song dialogue between mother, daughter, and young man that ends in a riddle; panangansangan, mediums song chanted while in a trance; panlalawag, prehunt ritual song to Lalawag; tamanda, wake song considered dangerous because it attracts witches; tiwa, prehunt ritual song about lizards; and udag-udagu, prehunt song to Mahumanay.
Narrative songs are the andal, introduction to the magic cycle Tulalang; bimbiya, adventures of a folk hero; idangdang, entertainment or didactic narrative; kirenteken, historical legends consisting partly of the songs of the Kirinteken Manobo living near Kamadzil; mandagan, historical tales; Tulalang, epic narrative; Tuwa, story of Tuwa; and Ulahing, epic narrative.
Entertainment songs are the dalwanay, which expresses mother's concern for her soldier son; dampilay advice on marriage and the selection of a husband; inkakak, a man's attempt to escape two nagging wives; mantiay-ay, a song for social gatherings; migkoy, which could be a story about a snake-bitten companion, or humorous song; and tatalok kaw, dance song.
Dalinday (love songs) could be the song of a man pleading with his ladylove to stay; a particular love song about a girl in love with a kudyapi player; or a song remarking that a man should prove his love by journeying to Midsayap and filling out an affidavit. Also categorized as love songs are the kasumba sa rawasan, a farewell song that reminds the beloved to be good; the lawgan, about a girl in love with a man who plays a kudyapi and owns a motor boat; and the mandata, love song.
Children's songs are bakbak, about a frog; binlay pa biya-aw, sung by older children for infants; kuku, a woman's bedtime story about a cat; and nguknguk, a bedtime folktale about grandfather monkey and baby monkey.
Ay Ding, a "lullaby for the dead," is sung only during a wake and when a baylan is present, for it attracts the evil sprits who come looking for a corpse to eat. If there is no baylan to keep the evil spirits away, and there is no dead person for the spirits to pray upon, they, attracted by the song, will not leave until they have caused someones death. The song as it was recorded by Abraham (Pfeiffer 1965) takes 1 min 42 sec to sing. Unlike other ritual songs, which are strictly chanted, Ay Ding ding has a more melodic and regular beat, giving it a songlike character. "Dingding" is an untranslatable word used to evoke pathos in a refrain.
This ritual song is also a narrative. The hunting dogs mentioned in this song are named Pulangi and Mulita, which are also the names of two main rivers in the Midsayap area. Mt Makaranding, a few kilometers away from Libungan, Cotabato, is believed to be the giant pig referred to in this song.
Hiya hiya humiya is sung during the Samayaan ritual, the Manobo New Year celebration, which is held at the start of the swidden clearing. The Manobo year begins on the first day of the planting season and ends on the last day of harvesting. The Samayaan is a ritual in which omens are read in connection with all the stages of the farming cycle: clearing, planting, growing, and harvesting. At about 7AM, when the good spirits are around, a baylan, carrying a white lighting cock, leads the men as they walk seven times around the food offering that has been set on the ground. The baylan chants the prayer lines and the participants respond with the phrase, "hiya hiya humiya," which they sing antiphonally with the baylan. This ritual is followed by a fight between the white cock and another cock that has been selected to assure that it will lose. During the cockfight, omens are sought: for example, if a cock's beak is bitten, this means there will be a good harvest. The defeated cock is cooked and the gods of planting, pigs, forests, and rats are invited to partake of the feast. The gardening tools are brought out and offered for safeguarding so they will not cause the farmers any harm. The next morning, an egg and grains of puffed rice are throw over the swidden site.
Hiya hiya humiya, Hiya hiya humiyaNakasibungal kaw Sugay nakahedal kaw DiwataNagapendi agapendi agapanan na kenaa sa lempaa sukana nakalanganan sa ibpangumawmaw kuHiya hiya humiya, Hiya hiya humiyaKasabeg kaw Diwata na tingala ka dinulangSa Diwata te insenal nga hangad ka sinamalangIsuguy ta intumbangelNa ulalangbay tangbe ka sa Tababasuk hangginan ku taleytayan ku langitSugbukayas kaed buyangan naghigtas kaed SamayaanHiya hiya, hiya hiyaNa yamba baya man ku na si na sialan kehedalbeNa lunlun kasiungal baSa Ibabasuk hangginan sagbusalsagan ni anglawSu Kalayag huyamagen ta igsindang ni nabayawSugtumpale kaed buyangenHiya hiya, hiya hiyaNa alambeg umawen ku su DiwataSi Pudadu a midsanled si apu na midtayedted kuBulikanan sabang isublian na bunlageyHiya hiya humiya, hiya hiya humiyaNa wada keg pakauba na wadag pa uyagisNa Diwataa na inyumun ku densialan inangenAy Suguy na imbayunsun ku nanadNa inundayaw na sialag umaweng ku sugmanakutendeySuguy naganahanday Diwata.
Hiya hiya humiya, hiya hiya humiya
Listen, Sugay, hear Diwata,
Do not jinx, do not hex me
Because seriously I ask over and over.
Hiya hiya humiya.
Heed, Diwata, observe this meat offering, Diwata pillar, look at the food, Isuguy post;
Look at us, Tababasuk, powerful center,
Because the ceremonial cockfight begins the Samayaan.
Hiya hiya, hiya, hiya
What I implore is that all of you Listen, all hear,
Ibabasuk, powerful god, where the sun rises
Because Kalayag, the merciful, is the eastward sun,
Maker the fighting cock our offering.
Hiya hiya, hiya hiya.
Specially call I because Diwata, Grandmother of Pudadu drowned,
Grandmother submerged at the Vicinity of the Bulikanan River fork;
Hiya hiya humiya, hiya hiya humiya.
No exception, none excepted.
Diwata representatives of all the world, Suguy, representing the whole world,
Them call I for sure assistance, Suguy, refuge, Diwata.
Before going on a hunting trip, one must first ask for permission from Lalawag, god of all forest game. Otherwise, the hunter will be killed either by his prey or by his own dogs. If he does succeed with his hunt even without asking for Lalawag's blessing, anyone who eats his catch will instantly die. This song must be sung reverently and, once begun, must be completed. It is sung only in the forest on the eve of the hunt. If the hunter sings it inside the house, Lalawag will cause the house to burn down.
Lalawag ta minuna undit daan na atawNa pamanrungaw harub kawPamangumaw ambit kayPamahiruhiru kay dut Lalawag ta minunaSu iyampad anglaw-ISi Apu Mandalaminun mid-ubpa diya't nalakubanIyandin-an ingkayaw't badbaran sa kad ambit dit LalawagNa pamanrungaw harub kawGuntaani na andawLangguyud kayi't basbasan langguy kayi't maharuwagWara duma nadsarigan day kakanaSikaw sa nalimuTa sikami mga apu nu nasiulawa kay nikaw YakWara duma nadsarigan dayKakanu sikaw sa nalimuTa sikamin mga apu nu nasinulawa kay nikaw Yak.
English Translation
Lalawag of the beginning and of our ancestors
Come and listen to our prayer
Calling and praying for you
We are calling for your help,
Lalawag of the beginning
Just this day we ask again
Apu Mandalaminun, thou who dwell in the cave
Who raise the magic wand to call the spirit of Lalawag
Come and listen to our prayer
This day we call unto thee
We take untrained dogs with us
As well as the trained dogs
We trust no other but you because
You are the one who loves us
We who are your great great grandchildren Yak
We trust no other but you
Because you are the one who loves us
We who are your great great grandchildren. Yak.
Manganinay is a song addressed to Panayangan, the god of the bee hunt, to pray for a successful hunt. Only bee hunters are allowed to sing it. On the eve or early morning of the hunt, the hunter sings while lying on a hammock outside his house. Singing it inside the house will cause the house to burn down.
Mangnin Manganinay na baug aninaninanSa gayagan ni tagmaing na subal ni mansil-ansilNa mansugulantay gabun na mansugtangbaYanganud sagpaayun kumiglapak na unug kumigyugabakSi Manganin ManganinayNa dimag katagatagaSalagawlaw ta basiaw na digkatalinampudSa hagkul ku balung kiwan su bata buling-bulingAn subpamalang ki tagmaing nad hang kap ki mayabusugSi Manganin Manganinay diyot midsulad.
I am hoping and praying to find honey by following the bees flying to their hive,
The bees fly in swarms like the cloud,
Clustering like clouds passing between the trees,
So I watch between the gaps;
I am hoping and praying,
Difficult it is to guess
Where there are bees in hollow trees,
Since there is a racket because of the children in lawaan trees,
Trying to look for beehives built on the branches,
I am hoping and praying,
Oh, that there are hives on the bent tree.
On the eve of hunting trip for monkeys, fish or lizards, the men sing the ritual song tiwa.
Tiwa ke plaas TiwaNa ankey anggam buntura TiwaSagkarapit te idsila TiwaNamahantul na bubungan TiwaAy su isaludansay ku pad TiwaSu kana adpakahauma ka amay kun la sikan TiwaAnkey pad inamen nu TiwaTa amay nu kun la siken TiwaTa nakuwaa't ambilut TiwaNakuwaan ta tupil Tiwa
Tiwa lizard Tiwa
What uncle mountain Tiwa
There I the eat Tiwa
High hill Tiwa
Because I meditate still Tiwa
As to what happened Tiwa
Setting sun Tiwa
Because if father has not arrived Tiwa
Why do you still expect Tiwa
Your father if he Tiwa
Was caught in the trap Tiwa
Caught in the trap Tiwa
A ritual song addressed to Mahumanay, the god who owns the forest and the deer in it, is the Udag-udagu.
Udag-udagu Palalahuy si natiUdag-udagu Kana da pakaluba te parampas te barubuUdag-udagu Mikiya si natinggawUdag-udagu Migkahi si unlaping pandai ka natiyaUdag-udagu Mikiya si natinggawUdag-udagu Kana kad insa ina Udag-udagu Panalad at amay koUdag-udagu.
Udag-udagu Run running faun
Udag-udagu Not visible above barubu
Udag-udago Nickered faun
Udag-udagu Said stag,"where go you, faun?"
Udag-udago Nickered faun,
Udag-udagu "Do not inquire, mother,
I go searching for father." Udag-udagu.
The various dances among the Manobo entertain, educate, and propitiate the gods. Among the Agusanon are the sinundo/singangga, dance ritual to ward off epidemic busau; pangaliyag, courtship dance; pangasawa, marriage ritual; kinugsik-kugsik, squirrel dance. Those witnessed and described by Garvan (1931) in 1910 are the bathing dance, honey gathering dance, hair plucking dance, sexual dance, and dagger or sword dance.
The Agusanon and Umayamnon saet, Cotabato saut, and Western Bukidnon kedsaut is a war dance of one or two warriors, each holding either a war bolo or a spear with a bell attached to it, and a shield. In the kedsaut, the two dancers begin from opposite sides of the dance area, brandishing their shields and shaking their spears. First, they dance sideways, then they imitate a hawk in flight before they finally engage in mock combat, each hitting the other's shield with his spear and crashing shield against shield, "navel to navel" (Plenda 1989:139). Rhythmic music is provided by the bells attached to their spears.
An Arumanen Manobo verson of the war dance is the mangmangayan, with two bagani each brandishing a sundang (bolo) and a kampilan (sword). Every once in a while, in the course of the dance, they adjust their tangkulo (headgear). The Pulangi Manobo's version of the mangmangayan ends with a peace pact and a celebration dance which the women join. The datu/bai, acting as arbiter, places a kerchief on the ground and all the warriors place their weapons on it to signify peace and end of the hostilities.
Other Arumanen Manobo dances are the paningara (bee hunt), pegako (courtship dance), and pendaraka (woman's response to the courtship). The kinudlat ng sayao demonstrates the performer's ability to touch his shoulders with his toes. The penarangas-tangas and manmanaol are both hawk dances, which a bagani and a woman perform. In the manmanaol, the hawk catches its prey, represented by a kerchief on the floor.
The binanog (hawk dance) mimics a hawk sweeping down on its prey. The Cotabato Manobo version has a female dancer using a kerchief, which she drops and then picks up while using her hands and arms to imitate the hawk. The steps are simple hop-steps and slide-steps. She wears earrings that reach down to the shoulders and anklets. The beat is a slow 1-2-3-4. Among the Pulangi Manobo, the binanog is a component of the courtship dance. Two other Manobo dances imitating bird movements are the kakayamatan and the bubudsil (hornbill). These dances may be accompanied by gongs or zithers.
A vigorous courtship dance is the pig-agawan, which involves two women vying for the attention of one man. A bai and a datu try to settle the dispute between the two women. A slow walking dance exclusively for females of marriageable age is the takumbo, which signifies their availability for marriage. It is named after the musical instrument that accompanies their movements. Another woman's dance, also called takumbo, is performed by one woman who simultaneously dances and plucks the takumbo. She rests the takumbo on her waist while she holds it in her left hand.
In Kidapawan, Cotabato, girls dance around the mortar to the beat of their pestles as they pound rice. During harvest celebrations, the Tigwahanon have an occupational dance called inamong, in which men and women execute monkeylike steps as they step on rice stalks to separate the chaff from the grain. The bakbak is a children's comical dance; they hop and make noises by slapping their bodies while maintaining a squatting position throughout.
The agpanikop (fish hunt dance) of the Manobo of Matalam, north Cotabato, portrays a boy, torch and spear in hand, looking for edible frogs. A second boy joins him in the hunt after the initial mutual wariness is dispelled. The second boy is wounded and writhes in pain, the first boy fetches the womenfolk and the baylan. The dance turns into a healing dance ritual and the boy, fully recovered, joins the women and baylan in a thanksgiving dance.
The pangayam is a reenactment of a hunter in pursuit of a wild boar. He carries his lance and bolo and is accompanied by his dog, represented by a bottle to which a strip of red cloth is tied.
In the Umayamnon inanak-anak/bata-bata, a girl mimes a woman's chores. She pretends to take care of a baby, putting it to sleep, trying to stop its carrying, feeding it with milk. She goes to the fields to dig for camote, then washes and makes herself beautiful before a stream.
The Tigwahanon bangkakaw is a festival dance celebrating a war victory or a bountiful catch of fish from the river. The centerpiece is the bangkakaw (log), which the women beat with the ando (pestles) and the men, with lampus (rods) while doing some stunts over and under it. They provide the accompaniment for the dancing fisherfolk, who carry their catch in their bubo (fish traps) and liag (large basket with a headsling).
A thanksgiving ritual in Magpet, North Cotabato, is the binadbad, which begins with the men facing heavenwards as they address the gods. Atop (coconut palms) are suspended at the center of the dance area. Then women join the dance, their attention on the atop, which they gather one by one. They then vary their formations, each holding an atop. Another woman joins them, gathers all the atop from them, and returns these to the center.
Among the western Bukidnon Manobo, the dance of the healing ritual is the legudas. Women holding hands form a circle around the baylan, who chants to the busaw, requesting it to return to the deity that has sent it to cause the illness. The men then stand between the women in the circle. The women wear the saya (wraparound skirt), sinu-laman (embroidered blouse), embroidered belt, and tikes (knee band) with the seriyew (pewter bells). The rhythmic music is provided by the seriyew.
The haklaran, which has been observed among the Agusanon, Tigwahanon, and Umayamnon, is a healing ritual performed by a male and female baylan. A prelude to this is the ritual dressing of the male baylan in woman's skirt, usually a malong, for it is improper for a man to perform the haklaran in a man's attire. This dance is performed around the sankaw, an altar bearing the sacrificial offering of a pig's head.
The suyad-buya is the healing ritual dance in Magpet, North Cotabato. It dramatizes the process by which the baylan heals a sick boy as his mother and a group of young women watch. The women prepare the paraphernalia by bringing in a table on which they set four coconut shells containing burning incense. They also carry red ribbons meant to drive the evil spirits away. As they dance in the background, the baylan enters, dances around the patient and waves a white chicken overhead. The shaman takes the chicken to the table, cuts its neck, and smears the patient's forehead with its blood. The boy regains his health and dances joyfully with the women and his mother. * R.C. Lucero, with notes from H. Tejero, F Prudente, R. Obusan, C. Hila, E. Maranan, and E.A. Manuel
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon