YouTube Uploader Ceasar Nimor: I learned this dance a long time ago (I was much younger at that time) from a group of Arumanen Manobo girls from Midsayap in Cotabato visiting a Cultural Gathering in Davao City...Last November 2008, the same dance was taught at an Indigenous Dance Workshop....These students doing a dress rehearsal of the dance are from the College of Education at the Southwestern University
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The Lumagwason Manobo
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The Lumagwason Manobo
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The Lumagwason Manobo
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Thursday, July 16, 2015
The Talahari Indigenous Band with their Manobo Music
YouTube Uploader Louie Lapat. The Manobo-inspired Music of the Talahari Indigenous Band from the Province of Bukidnon
YouTube Uploader MrMateuszph: The indigenous music and dance of Talahari Tribe of Bukidnon, Philippines showcased during the 15th Regional Chemistry Congress (Regions X, XI, XII and Caraga) opening held at Farmer's Town Training Center, Central Mindanao University at Musuan, Maramag, Philippines
Friday, July 10, 2015
Dasal at Kagubatan
Noong unang panahon malaki ang paggalang ng ating mga Ninuno sa kalikasan. Sila ay naniniwala na ang mga puno at iba pang bahagi ng kalikasan ay tahanan ng mga dakiling Diwata Kaya ganoon na lamang ang kanilang pag-iingat upang ito ay hindi maabuso.Madugong pilit na sinakop ng mga dayuhan ang buong kapuluan ng mga Malayang Kayumanggi (Filipino) at marahas na ipinalaganap ang dayuhang paniniwala na iisa lamang ang Diyos at ang ano mang "diyos-diyosan" gaya umano ng mga Diwata ay gawaing makasalanan at hindi makatotohanan .
Pinuno nila ng takot ang ating mga Ninuno sang ayon sa kanilang dayuhang paniniwala. Ang bawat tao na sumasamo o sumasampalataya sa mga Diwata ay mapaparusahan at masusunog umano sa nag-aalab na apoy sa kabilang buhay. Sa paglaon ng panahon unti-unti tayong nasakop hindi lamang ang ating lupain kundi maging ang ating sariling pamamaraan ng pananampalataya .Sa panahon ngayon ay pawang katuwaan na lamang ang mga Diwata na kadalasa'y matatagpuan na lamang sa mga kwentong pambata at katatakutan. Marahil ang karamihan sa atin ay hindi namamalayan na ito ang nagging ugat ng pagkasira ng ating mayabong na kagubatan sapagkat Kasabay ng paglaho sa paniniwalang may Diwata tuluyan naring nag laho ang paggalang sa kalikasan .
Dungan (Gimukod, Kalag)
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| Drawings, and or illustrations are Properties of Batara Gat Baya. |
Upang maging matagumpay ang panggagamot kinakailangan na pabalikin ang mga ligaw na Dungan sa katawan ng may sakit.Paulit-ulit na sasambitin ng isang Diwataan o Manggagamot ang pangalan ng may sakit upang bumalik ito sa kanyang katawan. Sa ilang pangkat etniko gaya sa bulubunduking bahagi ng Luzon ang ritwal ng pagpapabalik ng isang dungan ay tinatawag na "Pad-pad at Paypay", Sa Katagalugan ay "Pabalik Diwa" sa Kabisayaan at ilang bahagi ng Mindanao naman ay "Batak Dungan", "Palumay sa kalag" atbp.. Sa proseso naman ng ating pagkabuhay magsisimulang mabuo ang ating pangunahing Dungan sa panahon kung saan ang ating ilong ay ganap ng buo sa sinapupunan ng ating magulang. Sa oras na tayo ay maging isang sanggol, inihahanda ang unang "Pabalik Diwa" o "Batak Dungan" , Susundan ito sa oras na maging ganap na ang pagkabata, binata/dalaga . Ang ritwal sa Dungan ay isinasagawa din sa bawat mahalagang pagbabago sa buhay ng isang tao gaya na lamang ng bago ikasal, pagka Datu,pagka Babaylan at maging bago makipag digma. Ginagawa ito upang maging buo ang iyong ispiritwal na kalooban at panlabas na sarili sa pagharap sa bagong yugto ng buhay .
Wednesday, July 8, 2015
Ay Ding | Manobo Songs
Ay Ding, a "lullaby for the dead," is sung only during a wake and when a baylan is present, for it attracts the evil sprits who come looking for a corpse to eat. If there is no baylan to keep the evil spirits away, and there is no dead person for the spirits to pray upon, they, attracted by the song, will not leave until they have caused someones death. The song as it was recorded by Abraham (Pfeiffer 1965) takes 1 min 42 sec to sing. Unlike other ritual songs, which are strictly chanted, Ay Ding ding has a more melodic and regular beat, giving it a songlike character. "Dingding" is an untranslatable word used to evoke pathos in a refrain.
This ritual song is also a narrative. The hunting dogs mentioned in this song are named Pulangi and Mulita, which are also the names of two main rivers in the Midsayap area. Mt Makaranding, a few kilometers away from Libungan, Cotabato, is believed tobe the giant pig referred to in this song.
The man said, "Woman, preparethe betel chew, for we shall wed ourselves."
This ritual song is also a narrative. The hunting dogs mentioned in this song are named Pulangi and Mulita, which are also the names of two main rivers in the Midsayap area. Mt Makaranding, a few kilometers away from Libungan, Cotabato, is believed tobe the giant pig referred to in this song.
Ay Dingding
Nakahi rin sa kanakan ta bai pangapug
Ka pa sugawingki't ginawa ta
Si Dingding ay Dingding
Na kahi rin an sa raha ta sakali abpangapug
kabpakaka-an
Apa tabilaw-bilawn atay
Si Dingding ay Dingding
Na ara das narinag nu na way ka ba
madpandidsul dut asunu
Si Pulangi na andu-an si Mulita
Si Dingding Dingding
Na wa ka ra makantantal
Nabpaminag kan kanakan nag gabu-an si Mulita
Si Dingding Dingding
Na way nu ba pilakaan na kay ka mapahangku
Dut saringsinga't susu nu
Si Dingding Dingding
Namidwalang das kanakan na
Midbagkas din akpali din na mibaba
rin an kas babuy ka
Babuy na makaranding
Si Dingding Dingding
Na way ka ba maduli-an
Na nak-uma ra dut taliwara dut lama
Na indadsang nu an ka babuy
na takin migkahi kaan
Ta bay pangapug ka an su ini ra buan
Andaw nkabpakakita ta
Si Dingding Dingding
Naara das narinag din na way amba mabpangapug
Na wa ka pa makapus na kahian sa kanakan
Ta bay tuliri ki pa dut taliwara dut saag
Si Dingding Dingding
Na way ka ba madtutulid
Na midiraha an sa kanakan na wa ka
Ma matao-tao
Ta barusigsig na langasa
Na nabitaw-an ka napas din
Si Dingding.
The man said, "Woman, preparethe betel chew, for we shall wed ourselves."
Dingding ay Dingding.
Answered the woman,"I will not the betel chew prepare
Until I can eat fresh pork liver." Dingding ay Dingding.
Upon hearing her demand he called his dogs,
Pulangi and also Mulita.
Dingding Dingding.
Not yet having travelled a great distance,
The young man heard the barking of his dog Mulita.
Dingding Dingding.
He gave chase and saw his prey
On top of Mt Agkir-Agkir.
Dingding Dingding.
There he speared it but he was also struck And wounded in his breast.
Dingding Dingding.
This then he did:
He bound up his wound and carried the pig,
The pig that was gigantic.Dingding Dingding.
Then he returned home; And when he arrived in the middle of the girl's yard,
He dropped the pig, then said he, "Woman, prepare the betel nut to chew
For today may be our last to see each other."
Dingding Dingding.
Hearing his request, she began to prepare the betel chew
But before it was ready she heard the young man say,
"Woman, spread a mat in the middle of the floor."
Dingding Dingding.
And so she spread the mat; And the woman and young man
Lay down, But she could not staunch the flowing blood,
So the breath departed from him. Dingding.
Answered the woman,"I will not the betel chew prepare
Until I can eat fresh pork liver." Dingding ay Dingding.
Upon hearing her demand he called his dogs,
Pulangi and also Mulita.
Dingding Dingding.
Not yet having travelled a great distance,
The young man heard the barking of his dog Mulita.
Dingding Dingding.
He gave chase and saw his prey
On top of Mt Agkir-Agkir.
Dingding Dingding.
There he speared it but he was also struck And wounded in his breast.
Dingding Dingding.
This then he did:
He bound up his wound and carried the pig,
The pig that was gigantic.Dingding Dingding.
Then he returned home; And when he arrived in the middle of the girl's yard,
He dropped the pig, then said he, "Woman, prepare the betel nut to chew
For today may be our last to see each other."
Dingding Dingding.
Hearing his request, she began to prepare the betel chew
But before it was ready she heard the young man say,
"Woman, spread a mat in the middle of the floor."
Dingding Dingding.
And so she spread the mat; And the woman and young man
Lay down, But she could not staunch the flowing blood,
So the breath departed from him. Dingding.
Manobo Traditions During Deaths
When death occurs, lapuy, death messengers, are sent to inform relatives and friends. The body is washed, dressed in best clothes of the deceased, laid on mat at the exact center of the floor directly underneath the peak of the rooftop, and completely covered with a blanket. Objects, such as a bolo sword that the dead must take with it on its journey to the afterlife, are placed near the body. A clothesline is strung parallel to the body, and the clothes of the family or the dead person's personal possessions are hung there. There is much wailing and shouting, and the agung (gong) is constantly beaten to announce the death to everyone within the hearing distance. The number of beats indicates the dead person's age, status and social position.
After the grave has been dug, someone stands guard by the pit to keep the busaw away. Burial rites begin in the house with the "cutting the strand" ritual: an elder blackens half of a strand of manila hemp. This blackened end is held by the family while the white end is tied to the corpse. The strand is cut to signify the cutting of ties of affection between the family and the dead.
A man is buried facing the east so that the sunrise will signal to him that it is time to work. A woman is buried facing the west so that the sunset will remind her that it is time to cook. As the dirt is thrown back into the pit, all turn their backs to avoid temptation of accompanying the dead person. The grave marker is a low wooden frame. Tree cuttings are stuck around the grave.
After the burial, the mourners go to an unfrequented part to wash themselves and the tools used to dig the grave. When they return to the house, they spit on a burning woo or a fire by the doorway. Everyone takes a small bite from the small meal that has been placed on the mat where the corpse had lain in state. The last person coming in takes the glowing piece of wood and the meal out of the house and throws it in the direction of the grave. Everyone, including the soul of the dead, is invited to eat. A mourning period of 8 to 12 days is set, depending on the stature of the dead person. A baby is mourned only for one day; a datu, seven days. There is singing and dancing but no instrumental music is allowed.
In Salangsang, Cotabato, the mourning period may last 1 to 10 years, during which time the coffin stays at one side of the room. The coffin is made of a hollowed-out tree trunk, which is split lengthwise and it's edges sealed with a mixture of wood ashes, sweet potato leaves, and lime to contain the odor. The coffin is then half buried about 10 m away from the house, so that the sogoy or gimukod can wander in and out of the body.
The betuung feast is held within a year after the burial; some hold it on the third day. The gimukod is entitled to attend and it is persuaded to journey on to the afterworld without taking anyone with it. Early in the morning, a meal is placed at the threshold and ashes are sprinkled at the foot of the ladder. Everyone in the house stays still so as not to frighten the soul away. If the ashes bear footprints, this means that the gimukod has come.
For a widow or widower of marriageable age, the betuung feast is an occasion for the parents and parents-in-law, together with the datu/bai, to discuss the prospect of a new spouse for the new widow/widower.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
After the grave has been dug, someone stands guard by the pit to keep the busaw away. Burial rites begin in the house with the "cutting the strand" ritual: an elder blackens half of a strand of manila hemp. This blackened end is held by the family while the white end is tied to the corpse. The strand is cut to signify the cutting of ties of affection between the family and the dead.
A man is buried facing the east so that the sunrise will signal to him that it is time to work. A woman is buried facing the west so that the sunset will remind her that it is time to cook. As the dirt is thrown back into the pit, all turn their backs to avoid temptation of accompanying the dead person. The grave marker is a low wooden frame. Tree cuttings are stuck around the grave.
After the burial, the mourners go to an unfrequented part to wash themselves and the tools used to dig the grave. When they return to the house, they spit on a burning woo or a fire by the doorway. Everyone takes a small bite from the small meal that has been placed on the mat where the corpse had lain in state. The last person coming in takes the glowing piece of wood and the meal out of the house and throws it in the direction of the grave. Everyone, including the soul of the dead, is invited to eat. A mourning period of 8 to 12 days is set, depending on the stature of the dead person. A baby is mourned only for one day; a datu, seven days. There is singing and dancing but no instrumental music is allowed.
In Salangsang, Cotabato, the mourning period may last 1 to 10 years, during which time the coffin stays at one side of the room. The coffin is made of a hollowed-out tree trunk, which is split lengthwise and it's edges sealed with a mixture of wood ashes, sweet potato leaves, and lime to contain the odor. The coffin is then half buried about 10 m away from the house, so that the sogoy or gimukod can wander in and out of the body.
The betuung feast is held within a year after the burial; some hold it on the third day. The gimukod is entitled to attend and it is persuaded to journey on to the afterworld without taking anyone with it. Early in the morning, a meal is placed at the threshold and ashes are sprinkled at the foot of the ladder. Everyone in the house stays still so as not to frighten the soul away. If the ashes bear footprints, this means that the gimukod has come.
For a widow or widower of marriageable age, the betuung feast is an occasion for the parents and parents-in-law, together with the datu/bai, to discuss the prospect of a new spouse for the new widow/widower.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
Marriage Tradition of the Manobos
Marriage is traditionally by parental arrangement, which begins when each of two families chooses a spokesperson, preferably a datu or bai, who is known for eloquence and knowledge of custom law. The ginsa ("asking") begins with the girl's representative offering betel chew, which the boy's representative politely refuses until negotiations for the kagun (bridewealth) begin. All the groom's relatives, especially the datu/bai related to the groom's family, will contribute to the kagun. The wedding date is determined by the length of the groom's family will need to raise the kagun. In the meantime, the bride's relatives are preparing the apa (wedding feast), consisting of rice, meat, fish, and rice wine.
On the wedding day, the groom - wearing a white handkerchief - and his party walk to the bride's home. The bride is kept hidden behind a curtain in another room with someone guarding her. The groom's party knocked at the doorway y the ed-ipal, two or more of the bride's relatives who may ask the groom's party for a gift, such as clothing or money. After the feast, the elders sit on a large mat for the edteltagan he rirey, to display the symbols for the bride's value. Ten piles of corn kernels each are laid out in rows. Each pile symbolizes remuneration for the pains taken by the bride's family in rearing her. For example, one pile represents the purangan (to keep awake at night), the sleepless nights the parents spent over her; another pile represents the tugenan (viand), the nourishment they have given her. Then the groom's family presents the items of the kagun which may consist of a house, a piece of land, clothing, money, articles made of iron, brass, and animals. These items are distributed to members of the bride's extended family, especially her aunts and uncles and those who contributed to the bridewealth given by her father when he married the bride's mother.
The negotiations over, the groom's family presents the tenges (headcloth), which symbolizes that the arrangements must be wrapped up tightly to ensure a happy life for the young couple. The seru ritual follows: the bride and groom sit before a dish of rice. Each of the spokespersons takes a fistful of rice, molds it into a ball, and gives it to the couple, who feed each other. Then the guests join in the eating, with much revelry. The bride's mother prepares betel chew and hands it to her daughter, who offers it to the groom. This gesture symbolizes her tasks and duties as a wife. The couple are then given advice by the elders while the guests leave for home. The groom's parents stay for three more days, during which a purification ritual of chickens and rice is performed for the couple's gimukod (soul-spirit), whose approval of the marriage is sought. The groom goes home with his parents to call his gimukod in case it stayed there while he was away. He does not stay away too long from his bride's home because, for every day that he is gone, he must gift his in-laws with an article of clothing.
Marriage is an alliance system in which reciprocity and mutual obligation between the groom's and bride's kinship groups are expected. It is, therefore, a means of maintaining peace and oder, for the Manobo's practice of retaliation does not extend to one's kindred or allies. Incest taboo is strictly followed up to a common great-great-great grandparent on both the mother's and father's side.
Polygamy, although rarely practised, was allowed. A datu might resort to it, usually for economic and political reasons. Several wives allowed for more fields that could be cultivated, since the Manobo women did all the work in the fields. Polygyny also multiplied one's alliances and expanded them to several communities. However, the man could take another wife only if the first wife and her parents consented. The fist wife remained the head wife.
Initially, the young couple stay with the wife's family. However, as their family grows, they build their own house, close to the parents of either one. When the husband builds a house, certain taboos must be observed. If he sneezes while looking for a site, he should stop and forego the search for another day. If the cry of the limokon (omen bird/dove) is heard while he is clearing the site, he must look for another site. When he digs holes for the posts, he must avoid unearthing earthworms, termites, or beetles, for these will cause many deaths in the house. The posts must have no disfigurements because these will cause deaths in the family, no vines wrapped around them because this means that the owner will die by hanging, and no broken parts because this means that the wife will die. The roof's gable should face east so that the occupants' life "will be like the shining of the sun" (Polenda 1989:79).
The ladder should be made of indelugung wood, which rimes with rugung (thunder), so that the residents will have a reputation for virtue " that will echo abroad like thunder". Under the ladder should be buried a leaf of the pegul tree, to ward off harmful intentions; a leaf of indelugung tree, to establish a reputation for peace and happiness; a piece of small bamboo called belekayu to frustrate harmful intentions on the family; and a chip from a sharpening stone to induce sharp thinking. Coconut oil is poured on the same spot to ensure good health and happiness.
When the construction is finished, a house warming ritual is held to keep the busaw away. Chickens and pig are slaughtered, and their blood is smeared on the ladder, posts, and the main parts of the house. Blood is mixed with items representing the members of the family so that the busaw will take these in place of the people. The posts are painted with lampblack so that the busaw will not see the people in the darkness.
Illness may be caused by the person's gimukod (soul) wandering away from the body. Or, the gimukod of the sick person has been captured by the gimukod of the dead person and carried away to the latter's new home. A sick person is made to sit facing the east, his/her head covered with black cloth, through which a threaded needle and a fishhook with a long line are stuck. A dish for the patient and another for the gimukod are set before them. A bit of cooked chicken and rice from the dish is placed in a betel chew container. The sick person's gimukod is captured and imprisoned in this container. Everyone present gives the patient a gift to encourage him/her to live longer. The container is placed on patient's head; it is then opened and the patient eats the bit of food that has been placed inside it.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
On the wedding day, the groom - wearing a white handkerchief - and his party walk to the bride's home. The bride is kept hidden behind a curtain in another room with someone guarding her. The groom's party knocked at the doorway y the ed-ipal, two or more of the bride's relatives who may ask the groom's party for a gift, such as clothing or money. After the feast, the elders sit on a large mat for the edteltagan he rirey, to display the symbols for the bride's value. Ten piles of corn kernels each are laid out in rows. Each pile symbolizes remuneration for the pains taken by the bride's family in rearing her. For example, one pile represents the purangan (to keep awake at night), the sleepless nights the parents spent over her; another pile represents the tugenan (viand), the nourishment they have given her. Then the groom's family presents the items of the kagun which may consist of a house, a piece of land, clothing, money, articles made of iron, brass, and animals. These items are distributed to members of the bride's extended family, especially her aunts and uncles and those who contributed to the bridewealth given by her father when he married the bride's mother.
The negotiations over, the groom's family presents the tenges (headcloth), which symbolizes that the arrangements must be wrapped up tightly to ensure a happy life for the young couple. The seru ritual follows: the bride and groom sit before a dish of rice. Each of the spokespersons takes a fistful of rice, molds it into a ball, and gives it to the couple, who feed each other. Then the guests join in the eating, with much revelry. The bride's mother prepares betel chew and hands it to her daughter, who offers it to the groom. This gesture symbolizes her tasks and duties as a wife. The couple are then given advice by the elders while the guests leave for home. The groom's parents stay for three more days, during which a purification ritual of chickens and rice is performed for the couple's gimukod (soul-spirit), whose approval of the marriage is sought. The groom goes home with his parents to call his gimukod in case it stayed there while he was away. He does not stay away too long from his bride's home because, for every day that he is gone, he must gift his in-laws with an article of clothing.
Marriage is an alliance system in which reciprocity and mutual obligation between the groom's and bride's kinship groups are expected. It is, therefore, a means of maintaining peace and oder, for the Manobo's practice of retaliation does not extend to one's kindred or allies. Incest taboo is strictly followed up to a common great-great-great grandparent on both the mother's and father's side.
Polygamy, although rarely practised, was allowed. A datu might resort to it, usually for economic and political reasons. Several wives allowed for more fields that could be cultivated, since the Manobo women did all the work in the fields. Polygyny also multiplied one's alliances and expanded them to several communities. However, the man could take another wife only if the first wife and her parents consented. The fist wife remained the head wife.
Initially, the young couple stay with the wife's family. However, as their family grows, they build their own house, close to the parents of either one. When the husband builds a house, certain taboos must be observed. If he sneezes while looking for a site, he should stop and forego the search for another day. If the cry of the limokon (omen bird/dove) is heard while he is clearing the site, he must look for another site. When he digs holes for the posts, he must avoid unearthing earthworms, termites, or beetles, for these will cause many deaths in the house. The posts must have no disfigurements because these will cause deaths in the family, no vines wrapped around them because this means that the owner will die by hanging, and no broken parts because this means that the wife will die. The roof's gable should face east so that the occupants' life "will be like the shining of the sun" (Polenda 1989:79).
The ladder should be made of indelugung wood, which rimes with rugung (thunder), so that the residents will have a reputation for virtue " that will echo abroad like thunder". Under the ladder should be buried a leaf of the pegul tree, to ward off harmful intentions; a leaf of indelugung tree, to establish a reputation for peace and happiness; a piece of small bamboo called belekayu to frustrate harmful intentions on the family; and a chip from a sharpening stone to induce sharp thinking. Coconut oil is poured on the same spot to ensure good health and happiness.
When the construction is finished, a house warming ritual is held to keep the busaw away. Chickens and pig are slaughtered, and their blood is smeared on the ladder, posts, and the main parts of the house. Blood is mixed with items representing the members of the family so that the busaw will take these in place of the people. The posts are painted with lampblack so that the busaw will not see the people in the darkness.
Illness may be caused by the person's gimukod (soul) wandering away from the body. Or, the gimukod of the sick person has been captured by the gimukod of the dead person and carried away to the latter's new home. A sick person is made to sit facing the east, his/her head covered with black cloth, through which a threaded needle and a fishhook with a long line are stuck. A dish for the patient and another for the gimukod are set before them. A bit of cooked chicken and rice from the dish is placed in a betel chew container. The sick person's gimukod is captured and imprisoned in this container. Everyone present gives the patient a gift to encourage him/her to live longer. The container is placed on patient's head; it is then opened and the patient eats the bit of food that has been placed inside it.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
Tigwahanon
The Tigwahanon Manobo are found along the watershed of Tigwa River in the place where the municipality of San Fernando is located namely in the following places, Tugop, Little Bagiou, Kumawas, Halapitan, Iglusad, Bunacao, Katipunan, Kiboncog, Namnam, Matimbus, Sabangan, Lumbayao, and Don Cesar plain; Kalagutay, Palacpacan, Dao, Tag-alas-as and Abehid.
The catch and games in these communal food getting are equally shared that even the unborn child in his mother's womb gets a share as long as the mother has done her share of participation in the communal fishing and hunting.
The giving of equal share to unborn child reflects the esteem and value that these people gave to the human person by making the unborn child have equal rights with the adult human being. This is how much the Tigwahanon values human life.
These people have tree houses called batangan built among the branches of a growing tree with the tree trunk as its solitary post. Their fishing implements are bu-o (bamboo fish traps) in varied forms they have learned to fish using hook and line called banowit.
The staples are rice during harvest time, occasional corn grits are available and most of the year round they subsist on camote (sweet potato) and other crops like cassava.
The Tigwahanon are scattered all over the Municipality of San Fernando in Bukidnon close to the border of Davao del Norte. The term Tigwahanon may have been derived from the Tigwa River where the Tigwahanon inhabits its banks and watersheds (NCIP, 2003). ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website
Umayamnon
These Indigenous peoples dwell along the watershed of Umayam River in the Mountains of Pantaron in the Eastern side of the province of Bukidnon. They are fair in complexion five feet or above in height. Their eyes are set closed enough to each other with an average height of nose bridge. They are proud and reserved people.
The Umayamnon is synonymous to fierceness for their group is regarded as warlike and forest experts. But according to Opena (1982), these people are just suspicious and wary of strangers for whenever there are crimes committed in places that are easily reached by law enforcing agencies, the criminals often flee to the Umayam region hence criminals are often hunted in Umayam and almost always these hunts are futile.
They chew betel nut very frequently and their teeth are filed to uniform length which are mostly blackened. Purposes for making the teeth black are two namely: for medicinal purposes and for decoration. The black dye that they used to blacken the teeth means one distinction of being a human (who knows how to dye his teeth black) for according to them only monkeys have white teeth. Umayamnon are excellent makers of bead jewelry like the necklaces called ginakit and inboy, beautiful beaded men's bag called suning and unisex beaded bracelets called binuklad.
The Umayamnon traces their kinds bilaterally, that is the blood relations of both father and mother are esteemed as close relatives. Reciprocal roles are expected from them like helping raise a ransom or a bride price, sharing games or catch for the day or participating in a communal field clearing the kagsakum. ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website
Talaandigs
The Talaandigs are one of the indigenous groups in the province of Bukidnon, who has continued to preserve and promote its indigenous customs, beliefs and practices despite the strong influx modernization and change. This groups is found in barangays and municipalities surrounding the mountain of Kitanglad specifically in the towns of Lantapan and Talakag (Talamdan, 2001).
The belief on the existence of the highest God called Magbabaya and the spirits who guard and protect nature is minfested in the social, economic and political aspects of the life of the Talandig. Thus, when the Talaandig establishes a farm, he performs the Talabugta and Ibabasuk rituals, after harvest, he performs the Pamamahandi for the thanksgiving, for the recognition of the superior leadership, he performs the Panagulambung, when he goes hunting, the Punaliket and palayag, and for a higher form of socio-economic and political activity, the Talaandig performs the Kaliga ceremony.
The belief of the Talaandig on the existence of gods and spirits is also reflected in the protection of the house. These include Dadagunan hu Suguy who guards the laws of the house: Anilaw ha Sumagda who guards the door, Sinyuda Kahibunan who keeps the hall, Diwata ha Mailib who records the activity of peole inside the house and Diwata Pinatanlay who guards the house at the ridge of the roof.
According to Tajonera (2003) marriage is the most significant basis of Talaandig kinship. Before arranging marriage, the consanguinity and affinity relationships of contracting parties are determined as basis for settling the appropriate customary laws and procedures. During marriage, counseling is established as guideline to preserve relationship. This is carried out in the observance of the Bayluwa custom where each of the couple is instructed to tell problems related to their relationships as husband and wife only to their parent-in-laws. This custom provides smooth relationship with-in-laws who have the parental authority to discipline their own children.
In Talaandig kinship terms, a father is called Amay; a mother, Inay; a brother, suled; a sister, atubay. Uncle is called Aba or Abang. An aunt is called Ida or Idang. Apu is a general term grandparent. Parent-in-laws are called Ugang. A son-in-law is called Maamong while a daughter in law is called Lagambay.
The Talaandig learning system is embodied in various forms of oral tradition. This tradition includes the narratives called Nanangen, epic called Ulaging, poetic songs called sala and songs called Idangdang. Limbay are particular songs about animals.
The long historical narrative Talaandig is called Gugud. It is considered sacred because it relates to the existence of the gods and spirits at the time of creation. A Talandig story to recall is called Batbat while a reference story is called Sampitan while a brain twister or riddle of the Talandig is called Antuka.
The Talaandig has two methods of healing illness. One is through a religious ceremony. Another is through the application of traditional herbal medicine.
The Talaandig are known to be dwellers of the steep places. They are the people of the slopes (andig). These IPs who ascribed themselves as Talaandig are mostly found in Lantapan and Talakag.
Both the Talaandig and Higaonon indigenous communities claimed Mt. Kitanglad as their sacred "temple" and ancestral home. They believed that the forest was the source of life because it served all of their needs: wild animals for food; medicinal plants to cure illnesses; timber for house construction; and rattan to make baskets and other crafts. They chose an area within the forest as hunting reserve. The wild animals were allowed to propagate and multiply. Hunters were selective and conservative in numbers of animals that they killed. ~Source: Bukidnon Provincial Website