When death occurs, lapuy, death messengers, are sent to inform relatives and friends. The body is washed, dressed in best clothes of the deceased, laid on mat at the exact center of the floor directly underneath the peak of the rooftop, and completely covered with a blanket. Objects, such as a bolo sword that the dead must take with it on its journey to the afterlife, are placed near the body. A clothesline is strung parallel to the body, and the clothes of the family or the dead person's personal possessions are hung there. There is much wailing and shouting, and the agung (gong) is constantly beaten to announce the death to everyone within the hearing distance. The number of beats indicates the dead person's age, status and social position.After the grave has been dug, someone stands guard by the pit to keep the busaw away. Burial rites begin in the house with the "cutting the strand" ritual: an elder blackens half of a strand of manila hemp. This blackened end is held by the family while the white end is tied to the corpse. The strand is cut to signify the cutting of ties of affection between the family and the dead.A man is buried facing the east so that the sunrise will signal to him that it is time to work. A woman is buried facing the west so that the sunset will remind her that it is time to cook. As the dirt is thrown back into the pit, all turn their backs to avoid temptation of accompanying the dead person. The grave marker is a low wooden frame. Tree cuttings are stuck around the grave.After the burial, the mourners go to an unfrequented part to wash themselves and the tools used to dig the grave. When they return to the house, they spit on a burning woo or a fire by the doorway. Everyone takes a small bite from the small meal that has been placed on the mat where the corpse had lain in state. The last person coming in takes the glowing piece of wood and the meal out of the house and throws it in the direction of the grave. Everyone, including the soul of the dead, is invited to eat. A mourning period of 8 to 12 days is set, depending on the stature of the dead person. A baby is mourned only for one day; a datu, seven days. There is singing and dancing but no instrumental music is allowed.In Salangsang, Cotabato, the mourning period may last 1 to 10 years, during which time the coffin stays at one side of the room. The coffin is made of a hollowed-out tree trunk, which is split lengthwise and it's edges sealed with a mixture of wood ashes, sweet potato leaves, and lime to contain the odor. The coffin is then half buried about 10 m away from the house, so that the sogoy or gimukod can wander in and out of the body.The betuung feast is held within a year after the burial; some hold it on the third day. The gimukod is entitled to attend and it is persuaded to journey on to the afterworld without taking anyone with it. Early in the morning, a meal is placed at the threshold and ashes are sprinkled at the foot of the ladder. Everyone in the house stays still so as not to frighten the soul away. If the ashes bear footprints, this means that the gimukod has come.For a widow or widower of marriageable age, the betuung feast is an occasion for the parents and parents-in-law, together with the datu/bai, to discuss the prospect of a new spouse for the new widow/widower.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
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Marriage is traditionally by parental arrangement, which begins when each of two families chooses a spokesperson, preferably a datu or bai, who is known for eloquence and knowledge of custom law. The ginsa ("asking") begins with the girl's representative offering betel chew, which the boy's representative politely refuses until negotiations for the kagun (bridewealth) begin. All the groom's relatives, especially the datu/bai related to the groom's family, will contribute to the kagun. The wedding date is determined by the length of the groom's family will need to raise the kagun. In the meantime, the bride's relatives are preparing the apa (wedding feast), consisting of rice, meat, fish, and rice wine.
On the wedding day, the groom - wearing a white handkerchief - and his party walk to the bride's home. The bride is kept hidden behind a curtain in another room with someone guarding her. The groom's party knocked at the doorway y the ed-ipal, two or more of the bride's relatives who may ask the groom's party for a gift, such as clothing or money. After the feast, the elders sit on a large mat for the edteltagan he rirey, to display the symbols for the bride's value. Ten piles of corn kernels each are laid out in rows. Each pile symbolizes remuneration for the pains taken by the bride's family in rearing her. For example, one pile represents the purangan (to keep awake at night), the sleepless nights the parents spent over her; another pile represents the tugenan (viand), the nourishment they have given her. Then the groom's family presents the items of the kagun which may consist of a house, a piece of land, clothing, money, articles made of iron, brass, and animals. These items are distributed to members of the bride's extended family, especially her aunts and uncles and those who contributed to the bridewealth given by her father when he married the bride's mother.
The negotiations over, the groom's family presents the tenges (headcloth), which symbolizes that the arrangements must be wrapped up tightly to ensure a happy life for the young couple. The seru ritual follows: the bride and groom sit before a dish of rice. Each of the spokespersons takes a fistful of rice, molds it into a ball, and gives it to the couple, who feed each other. Then the guests join in the eating, with much revelry. The bride's mother prepares betel chew and hands it to her daughter, who offers it to the groom. This gesture symbolizes her tasks and duties as a wife. The couple are then given advice by the elders while the guests leave for home. The groom's parents stay for three more days, during which a purification ritual of chickens and rice is performed for the couple's gimukod (soul-spirit), whose approval of the marriage is sought. The groom goes home with his parents to call his gimukod in case it stayed there while he was away. He does not stay away too long from his bride's home because, for every day that he is gone, he must gift his in-laws with an article of clothing.
Marriage is an alliance system in which reciprocity and mutual obligation between the groom's and bride's kinship groups are expected. It is, therefore, a means of maintaining peace and oder, for the Manobo's practice of retaliation does not extend to one's kindred or allies. Incest taboo is strictly followed up to a common great-great-great grandparent on both the mother's and father's side.
Polygamy, although rarely practised, was allowed. A datu might resort to it, usually for economic and political reasons. Several wives allowed for more fields that could be cultivated, since the Manobo women did all the work in the fields. Polygyny also multiplied one's alliances and expanded them to several communities. However, the man could take another wife only if the first wife and her parents consented. The fist wife remained the head wife.
Initially, the young couple stay with the wife's family. However, as their family grows, they build their own house, close to the parents of either one. When the husband builds a house, certain taboos must be observed. If he sneezes while looking for a site, he should stop and forego the search for another day. If the cry of the limokon (omen bird/dove) is heard while he is clearing the site, he must look for another site. When he digs holes for the posts, he must avoid unearthing earthworms, termites, or beetles, for these will cause many deaths in the house. The posts must have no disfigurements because these will cause deaths in the family, no vines wrapped around them because this means that the owner will die by hanging, and no broken parts because this means that the wife will die. The roof's gable should face east so that the occupants' life "will be like the shining of the sun" (Polenda 1989:79).The ladder should be made of indelugung wood, which rimes with rugung (thunder), so that the residents will have a reputation for virtue " that will echo abroad like thunder". Under the ladder should be buried a leaf of the pegul tree, to ward off harmful intentions; a leaf of indelugung tree, to establish a reputation for peace and happiness; a piece of small bamboo called belekayu to frustrate harmful intentions on the family; and a chip from a sharpening stone to induce sharp thinking. Coconut oil is poured on the same spot to ensure good health and happiness.When the construction is finished, a house warming ritual is held to keep the busaw away. Chickens and pig are slaughtered, and their blood is smeared on the ladder, posts, and the main parts of the house. Blood is mixed with items representing the members of the family so that the busaw will take these in place of the people. The posts are painted with lampblack so that the busaw will not see the people in the darkness.Illness may be caused by the person's gimukod (soul) wandering away from the body. Or, the gimukod of the sick person has been captured by the gimukod of the dead person and carried away to the latter's new home. A sick person is made to sit facing the east, his/her head covered with black cloth, through which a threaded needle and a fishhook with a long line are stuck. A dish for the patient and another for the gimukod are set before them. A bit of cooked chicken and rice from the dish is placed in a betel chew container. The sick person's gimukod is captured and imprisoned in this container. Everyone present gives the patient a gift to encourage him/her to live longer. The container is placed on patient's head; it is then opened and the patient eats the bit of food that has been placed inside it.
From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
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The traditional social structure consists of four classes: the bagani, the baylan, commoner, and slave. The bagani class, now gone, defended the community and went to battle. The baylan, who can still be found, is a male or female priest and healer. The commoners were farmers; and the slaves, who had been seized in raids, belonged to the ruler and were usually given away as part of the bridewealth. Village members could also become enslaved if they could not pay the penalty for a crime they had committed, such as thievery, destruction of property, adultery, or verbal offense. Slaves, however could win their freedom through diligence in the fulfillment of their duties, faithfulness to their master, or payment of their debt through servitude. Slaves who were treated like members of the family although still in servitude are bilew, and it was considered an insult if they were referred to as slaves. One who did so was committing tempela, ridiculing someone for their low status physical handicap.
Intervillage relationship is based on upakat or reciprocity. Village members, usually belonging to kinship group or groups allied by marriage, expect assistance from each other in matters of subsistent labor, defense, and support in crises.
A pregnant woman observes several taboon protect the infant's life and health. She stays indoors when the sky is red at sunset, for the bloodthirst busaw (ghouls) are around. She must never run or even just stubbing her toe will cause a miscarriage. After bathing, she must not come out of the water she has adjusted the position of the baby in her womb.
At childbirth, the midwife ties a birthcharm herbs, stones, and other items given to her by the spirit guardian, around the mother's waist. The umbilical cord is cut some distance away from the naval that the baby's breath will not escape. The cord is wrapped in an old mat and buried under the ladder of house. The busaw is attracted by the blood of childbirth, so the midwife washes all the clothing used during delivery. Because the midwife has been stained with the uncleanness of childbirth, she must be paid the following items: a small knife to clean her fingernails; a plate to catch a sacrificial chicken's blood; a malong (barrel skirt) to enable her to change into fresh clothing; and some cash to prevent her uttering a mureka (curse).
Until the child can turn on its stomach, the mother is in danger of hemorrhaging. So the husband does all the house and field chores normally assigned to her, and he must provide her with the nourishment she needs. Postnatal taboos must be observed by the parents or else both mother and child will be afflicted with lagak, a skin disease. The mother cannot eat liver, carabao meat, eel, lima beans, and sticky rice or corn. If the parents have sexual relations shortly after delivery, the baby will be stricken with lagak.From the Articles Published by Lydia Mary De Leon
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